Deutsche Bank's bad behavior

I first got a bad taste in my mouth for Deutsche Bank, a German-based global investment bank, back in São Paulo as the funder behind the Urban Age São Paulo conference. Upon further investigation it turns out they have an unlikely link to my home community in Ohio. Putting the two together reveals a delicious little hypocrisy that I will unfold for you here...

First to the Brazilian side: Urban Age, funded by Deutsche Bank, is a six-year series of conferences in cities across the globe designed to unite top minds around questions of our global urban future. The 2008 conference was held in and themed around São Paulo, where it faced criticism in the activist community for its elitism. The conference was invitation only, locking out civil society groups and community members who didn't have the "right credentials" even though they requested to attend. And like other swank international conferences on São Paulo urban issues, it included in-depth discussions about squatter settlements, slums, poverty and exclusion, while being both (1) entirely inaccessible to anyone living these realities, and (2) spending enough money on horsdeourves and fancy venues to lift many families out of poverty many times over.

Even the high powered Brazilian architects and urbanists who were invited to participate did so begrudgingly. While they complained in semi-private circles about the academic imperialism of the European organizers, they ultimately played ball for a chance to win the big checks Deutsche Bank hands out for research and projects.

The 2009 conference will be in Istanbul, and I just received an e-mailed "call for entries" for the 2009 Urban Age Award: a "$100,000 USD award for an outstanding project or initiative which improves the physical conditions of a community and the lives of residents in Istanbul."

Other verbage from the e-mail:

The award celebrates the Urban Age mission to connect quality of life to the quality of the urban environment. "Governing a city means managing contradictions. The Deutsche Bank Urban Age Award and the Urban Age conference aim to encourage people to overcome contradictions and work together to take responsibility for their cities." – Wolfgang Nowak, Managing Director, Alfred Herrhausen Society.

and

The Deutsche Bank Urban Age award was created to encourage people to take responsibility for their cities and form new alliances.

So the themes are: innovative project, improved quality of urban life, and taking responsibility for our cities.

Wouldn't it be great if the same themes guiding Deutche Bank's Urban Age awards guided its own business practices?

Now we come to Ohio. Here the Deutsche Bank has been one of several large out-of-town banks wreaking havoc on our communities: foreclosing on properties willy-nilly and then re-purchasing them at sheriff sales, yet refusing responsibility for keeping the vacant buildings up to code so they are not a danger to neighbors. From a November 25, 2007 article in the Cincinnati Enquirer:

About one of every eight properties bought in Hamilton County this year was purchased at a sheriff's sale, the Enquirer analysis shows. Since 2003, the number of properties purchased by a bank or investor at a sheriff's sale and not yet resold has almost doubled - to 2,695 as of August.

Deutsche Bank National Trust purchased the most properties - 265 - this year through Oct. 31.

The German banking giant didn't own a single parcel in Hamilton County in 2004, but now is the second-largest owner of single-family homes in the county, after the federal government. The bank owned 188 properties last week, and is taking on an average of nine or 10 newly foreclosed properties each week, according to the Hamilton County Auditor's records.

And yet Deutsche Bank denies owning any houses here.

John T. Gallagher, a bank spokesman in New York City, would not comment on the bank's ownership or maintenance of properties. Instead, he issued a written statement that said the bank acts only as trustee for securitization trusts - investment pools that buy up risky subprime mortgages in bulk on Wall Street.

That position - while helping Deutsche Bank evade responsibility for maintaining properties - could put a halt to its foreclosures across Ohio.

Last month, a federal judge in Cleveland ruled that Deutsche Bank can't have it both ways: Either it owns a property, in which case it must maintain it; or it doesn't, in which case it shouldn't be foreclosing on it.

U.S. District Judge Christopher A. Boyko sharply criticized financial institutions for their handling of foreclosures. He said the banks "rush to foreclose" and then "sit on the deed, avoiding responsibility for maintaining the property while reaping the financial benefits of interest running on a judgment."

When the Deutsche bank plays absentee trustee, the financial price for maintaining the property (in some instances, ultimately demolishing it) falls on our already cash strapped local governments. Neighbors or the city end up cutting the grass, boarding the windows, sealing the doors, maintaining the facade, and clearing scrap. This same Enquirer article found the collective bill owed to the city by absentee banks for foreclosed properties totaled $201,237 at the time. Today it is surely much higher. Add this to the value lost in neighbors' homes because of vacant houses down the street, and to rising homelessness as a result of foreclosures on properties, and the damage to our communities go through the roof.

Such crimes by Deutsche Bank are found all over Ohio, not just in Cincinnati. The company owns around 970 foreclosed properties in Cuyahoga County, most of which sit vacant. And in 2007, Deutsche Bank had 14 of its foreclosures thrown out of court for failure to show it even owned the mortgage when it filed foreclosure against the homeowners. This is foreclosure fraud, plain and simple.

One community in Cincinnati is fighting back. In 2007, Price Hill saw 300 of its homes foreclosed upon. Many of those homes, and those already sitting vacant, were owned by Deutsche Bank, which subsequently refused to address the code violations that began to rack up on the vacant properties. So Price Hill Will, a local group that works to revitalize the neighborhood, is suing for damages incurred by the city and neighborhood residents. The outcome of the lawsuit is still pending.

What if the Deutsche Bank lived up to the same criteria it sets for Urban Age grant hopefuls? The bank could start an urban homesteading program for its vacant properties: if a family agreed to get the house up to code within one year, it could have the property turned over to them for a small fee (say, $100). The city could pitch in and waive the code violation fees for all properties that were granted to homesteaders.

I think I've got a proposal for their 2009 Urban Age Award here - anyone want to help me write it?

The OTHER Wall

Talk about horrible, inhumane ideas. Construction has begun on a Gaza-style wall in Rio de Janeiro that is designed to cut off several favelas from expanding into nearby forest land, simultaneously causing further segregation between the slums and other neighborhoods in the city.

Wall construction, with condominiums in background. Photo from O Globo

"By year-end the Rio de Janeiro state government wants to build almost 7 miles (11 km) of walls to contain 19 communities. It will spend 40 million reais ($17.6 million) and have to relocate 550 houses, Lazzoli said." Read full story here.

That money could be used for upgrades that residents actually need in public services, health, education, and police reform. It's 2009, you would think officials would have enough basic economic sense to know that the massive unmet demand for low-income housing will not magically disappear if you build a wall.

This is another example of abuses that favelados continue to endure, even after the democratic transition turned them from a persecuted underclass without any substantive rights into ostensible "citizens" with votes.

Just another symbol of how democracy is often woefully insufficient to protect the basic interests of the marginalized urban poor.

Women, Land, and Agribusiness

(A past-due post in honor of International Women's Day, March 9th.)

Did you know that only 2% of the world's land is owned by women?

This statistic comes from an article in the Seattle Times, where Tim Handstad argues that increased land ownership among women increases their status in home and in society, lifts families out of poverty, and leads to secondary benefits like better nutrition for the household, increased food security, and better disease prevention.

I went digging for more stats on global land ownership because this strikes me as just the tip of the iceberg. How much land do men own? What about corporations, governments, and heads of state?

I couldn't find the answers to most of these questions. (If you know where this can be found, please let me know!) Though in an ironic twist, I did find a source that estimates the largest personal landowner in the world to be a woman - Queen Elizabeth II, who comes in at 6,600 million acres valuing perhaps 17.6 trillion pounds, or 1/6th of the world's dry surface.

My inclination is that a surprising percentage of land is actually owned by large and increasingly transnational corporations. This is definitely the case in Brazil, where the Landless Worker's Movement (MST) has shifted it's political focus over the last 25 years from targeting large private landowners to international agribusiness.

To commemorate International Women's Day, hundreds to thousands of Brazilian women of the MST and Via Campesina occupied the Ministry of Agriculture, a shipping port, and at least two large industrial farms. They argue that the government should focus on agrarian reform and small farms, many for women, instead of catering to industrial agribusiness.

They also argue that the mono-cropping eucalyptus for pulp, an activity occurring at the occupied sites, destroys natural habitat, creating topsoil loss and ultimately desertification. An anecdote here: a public defender in rural São Paulo state won an immediate suspension of eucalyptus plantation in his area. While visiting some of his contacts I was recruited to translate the suspension notice into English because the companies involved were foreign with English-speaking employees. I didn't get much background on the case, but local residents were up in arms about the spread of eucalyptus in their areas.

Operation Saturation in Paraisópolis: Policies of Overt State Violence

There has been a little flurry of media attention, and not just in Portuguese language sources, about the Military Police occupation of favela Paraisópolis in recent days. As has been done elsewhere, I’ll give an account of this event. But first I want to put it into a context that clearly identifies this act as an oft-utilized tool of government policy towards favelas, and not just an emergency response to extreme circumstances, as news reports or government accounts would lead you to believe.

In fact, a keyword search of “Operação Saturação” on a news or government portal show scanty coverage of these saturation operations deserving a serious and alarmed discussion. Only some instances of saturation have received significant coverage, which often lacks solid information of the events leading up to its implimentation or the negative ramifications for residents. This only further demonstrates the low priority that media outlets and their audiences place on slum dwellers’ quality of life.

Background

A “Saturation Operation,” or the descent of hundreds of police, vehicles, and arms to first lock down and then monitor an entire community for extended periods of time, has been used in the city of São Paulo a total of 12 times since 2005. It is a deliberate response to spikes of violence that are perceived to threaten neighboring areas or the governability of the favela by state authorities.

In a saturation, hundreds of troops will enter and essentially subdue all activity in the community (over 600 troops in one case) – including legitimate business and school functions, and most car and foot traffic. They embark on an intense investigation of all recent incidences of violence (though rarely their own) and perform detentions, searches (over 50,000 personal searches in one instance), questioning, and sweeps for illegal drugs and arms. Once the community is effectively subdued, they continue to occupy and monitor residents’ coming and going - for up to three months in recent cases. In fact the first use of the saturation tactic, at least under the title of “operation saturation,” was in Paraisópolis. So it seems things have come full circle.

Past saturation operations in São Paulo and their duration include:

Paraisópolis (julho/agosto 2005) – 42 days
Elba/Tamarutaca (agosto/outubro 2005) – 48 days
Pantanal (outubro/dezembro 2005) – 53 days
Guarujá (janeiro 2006) – 25 days
Parque Novo Mundo (fevereiro/abril 2006) – 44 days
Jardim Colombo II/Buraco Quente (maio/julho 2006) – 61 days
Morro do Samba (julho/agosto 2006) – 51 days
Taipas (setembro/novembro 2006) – 72 days
Elisa Maria (março/junho 2007) – 81 days
Alba (setembro/dezembro 2007) – 93 days
Rio Claro (junho/setembro 2008) – 99 days

Starting in 2007 with the occupation of Jardim Elisa Maria, the saturation effort has been followed by a project known as a Virada Social. This omnibus package of social service programs by both state and city agencies often includes dental clinics, construction of a new school or nursery, job skills classes, sporting events, tree planting, community center construction, new public lighting, a family planning course, and the list goes on.

I suspect it simply became politically unfeasible, as these operations became larger, for the government to undertake such drastic repressive measures without some kind of positive social outreach afterward. Or perhaps there is a sense that authorities must clean up after themselves, as in the case of Elisa Maria, where the slaughter of 6 local teens, given at the time as just one instance justifying the initial saturation, later proved to be committed by police.

Operation Saturation in Paraisópolis

We’re now entering the fourth week of the most recent Paraisópolis occupation, a community I visited regularly during my time in São Paulo. It is one of the more economically developed favelas in the city, and boasts some of the best infrastructure I saw in a squatter settlement throughout my time there. It is also the second largest, with around 88,000 residents.

The immediate events leading up to the occupation began on February 1st, when police shot and killed a resident and arrested another. Accounts of this story vary – that the dead man was unarmed, that he was armed and fired on officers, that the surviving man was a relative of a famous imprisoned drug lord, and that he is unrelated. Media reports have neglected any serious investigation into the truth of this first encounter.

In response to this shooting death groups of residents clashed with police on Feb. 2nd– residents barricaded roads, damaged businesses, and burned a handful of cars. Once again, the motives here are unclear. The police allege that the famous drug lord ordered the riot from prison, but again, this has not been confirmed. In the confrontation 4 police and at least two residents were wounded.

In response to this encounter authorities began the Saturation Operation on Feb. 4th that has effectively put the entire community under occupation. 300 Shock Troops and 100 local police patrol the streets and houses, 33 checkpoints operate throughout the community to filter foot traffic and stop suspicious looking persons. There are several reports of officers mistreating and firing upon innocents, detaining and questioning residents an excessive number of times, speaking threateningly to local leaders, and entering houses without residents’ permission. Regardless of whether the rioting was ordered by the imprisoned drug lord or was simply a spontaneous response to police brutality, it is hard to argue that a full-scale occupation of the community for an “unforeseeable amount of time” is justifiable or humane.

Accounts of some resident's complaints have surfaced in major media reports, but the complaints highlighted are either paltry, or when serious, presented as an isolated instance. In fact, serious and widespread complaints exist and were recorded by a group of rights activists in the city whose e-mails I receive. Most residents will not speak to outside reporters. This photo comes from such an e-mail and depicts a man's foot, injured by a police explosive thrown at him while looking for his wife. She is employed at the popular chain homegoods store Casas Bahia, which recently opened in the community, and was working when the police operation began.

Photo taken by Joelma Couto

Details of the Paraisópolis Virada Social are just coming out, but the list is extensive. I would be impressed if all the activities mentioned actually take place, though the large majority of them are short-term, quickie interventions that I cannot see having a lasting impact on the community. Thus far, the saturation and promised social programs have not cooled all tensions, as two journalists who recently entered the favela to record day to day life in the community where temporarily held captive and then driven outside favela borders. Their captors took their recording equipment and instructed the reporters not to come back.


Paraisópolis quick stats

unemployment: 20-25%
illiteracy: 15,000 residents
children who cannot attend school due to lack of spaces in facilities: 5,000
median income: R$367-$614, or 1/4 to 1/2 of the city average

Municipal Elections 2: Incomes and Outcomes

In response to my first post on São Paulo’s municipal elections, I got a few questions from a friend about how incomes affected the outcomes. Here are my answers:

Do the non-poor outnumber the poor in SP?

Yes. But by how much is difficult to say. The poverty line in the city is one-half the monthly minimum wage, which is an extremely low figure. Let me illustrate: starting this month, ½ the minimum wage is R$232.50 or about $100 U.S. dollars. Considering that two bus rides per day, M-F, cost R$92 per month alone, this leaves only R$140.50 (U.S. $60) for food, rent, and all other expenses. Riding the bus to work consumes 40% of your income! Also, the city is moving to raise bus and metro fare, so this number could prove even higher in the future.

A better line for poverty in the city would be the full minimum monthly salary, at least. When you consider that a person can qualify for most housing support programs with a family income up to 3 or more minimum salaries, I think one minimum salary as the poverty cut-off is more than reasonable.

Using the low ½ minimum wage line in 2000 (when the last census was taken), 12% of the city’s population was poor, or 1.1 million people. This number reaches 20-38% of the population in the poorest peripheral areas. If you use the full minimum wage as your poverty line, entire sub-municipalities have an average wage that dips within one minimum salary of poverty level. This means that majorities in these electoral districts would live in or near poverty.

This is not to say that the majority of all Paulistanos live in poverty today, but it does mean that a lot more do than official numbers would suggest. For example, a 2003 IBGE study names poverty at 28% versus the 12% census number from 2000.

Remember too that the city also has the highest concentration of rich and super-rich in Brazil, as it is the industrial and financial capital of the country. This group is enormously important for both city and country GDP, and they are very influential.

Was that what gave Kassab the edge and allowed his party to grab five additional City Council seats? [In other words, what effect did income distribution have on municipal elections?]

Yes, this was probably a strong factor. Now there is never a single determining variable in any election, and to prove that income was THE THING or even a BIG THING scientifically would require regression analysis. But from my perspective as an enhanced laywoman, it’s no accident that the districts with money went for Kassab at high margins while Marta only carried the poorest districts. Looking closely reveals two even more interesting questions.

First I'll show the wealth-win correlations - this first graph is some older data (2000 is the most recent census) on income distribution in the city. Now compare this to the graph I posted earlier showing district wins for each candidate. The first is divided by sub-municipal district while the second is by electoral district, but the general correlation is strong and clear. Click on the images to view larger versions.

PER CAPITA INCOME BY SUB-MUNICIPALITY in 2000
source: Atlas de Trabalho e Desenvolvomento de São Paulo

Bounds:
Red = highest income, R$894.77 or more
Light Cream = lowest income, R$275.32 or less



[The upper and lower bounds on this graph hide the extremes of income difference. Monthly incomes in the highest earning districts are actually in the thousands, while the bottom 5th of residents of peripheral districts earn about R$50 per month.]

RESULTS OF THE RUN-OFF
source: Folha de São Paulo

See how most of the red and orange areas in the first graph went for Kassab in the second, while the lighter areas went for Marta?

Not only did Kassab win the richer districts, but he did so at higher margins than Marta was able to carry the poorer ones. For example, Kassab took chic Jardim Paulista (84%), Pinheiros (80%), and Vila Mariana (82%). In all he carried 21 districts by at least 70%, while Marta only carried two. These - Parelheiros (77%) and Grajaú (75%) – are both in the extreme south. The next closest win she claimed was in the public-housing filled Cidade Tiradentes (69%).

Also, the PT lost districts they previously carried in 2004, many in the mid-zones between the poverty of the far periphery and the most concentrated wealth of the center and center-southwest. Examples of this are Capela do Socorro to the south, where Marta won 57%-42% in 2004 but lost 51%-48% in 2008, or Itaquera to the east, where she won won 52%-48% in '04 but lost 58%-42% in '08. Marta increased her support in the last 4 years in only 5 of 57 electoral districts, all of which lie in areas that absorb the city’s highest numbers of poor rural-urban migrants. Four are in the extreme south and one, Brasilândia, is an area to the north where I saw huge expansions of new slum settlement into formerly untouched countryside firsthand.

This begs the questions: why did the PT lose these mid-zones from 2004-2008, and why didn’t the poorer districts back Marta as strongly as the rich ones backed Kassab?

At first I wrote long speculative paragraphs about why this may be: rising incomes over the last 8 years and how these map onto the city today, the rising consumerism and de-politicization of the middle class, increasing concerns over crime, the “pasteurization and professionalization” of social movements, some weaknesses in Marta as a candidate, and the ability of the incumbent Kassab to use city resources to co-opt influential people in poor and transitioning neighborhoods. But reading over them, I don’t have the data to demonstrate national trends in the space of São Paulo, and new census data is still a year away.

Was there a green candidate who siphoned off votes?

Not in the second round, which was the decision-maker. Only Marta and Kassab were left standing for that one.

Municipal Elections 1: Results

Bad news for favelados, cortiço dwellers, and other Paulistano citizens in “informal/irregular/precarious” housing: results of the municipal elections came in at the end of October and Gilberto Kassab beat out Marta Suplicy to continue as the mayor São Paulo. While I am not crazy about either candidate, Marta was clearly the better choice on housing issues, and was endorsed by all the housing and social movements I have contacts with in the city.

You can see the dichotomy of support best in this graphic from the Folha de São Paulo. The poor peripheral regions of the city, which house the majority of favelas and loteamentos irregulares, voted Marta while the wealthier residential and commercial districts went for Kassab.

See full-size graphic here.

Candidate Info

Marta
Marta, of the left wing Worker’s Party, was mayor from 2000-2004 and is known for implementing an Orcamento Participativo (participatory budget), creating a system of Unified Education Centers that serve many favelas and poor neighborhoods, and integrating public transportation fares with the Bilhete Único electronic fare cards. To her discredit, she failed to make promised transportation infrastructure improvements and left the city with a pile of debt and unfinished programs. I also have qualms with the OP and education centers in practice, but they are great strides over having no programs at all.

Also critical, the city launched its first Plano Diretor under Marta’s administration, a voluminous legislative package designed to wield some pretty radical urban policy tools made legal by the federal government in 2001. These tools include special zoning protections for low income and irregular communities, processes for disappropriating under-utilized private lands for popular housing, legal instruments to regularize land tenure, and the creation of participatory councils for urbanization projects in irregular areas. Many elements of Marta’s Plano Diretor never left paper under Serra-Kassab, who later used this as an excuse to argue that the Plano should be re-written to cut out a lot of the tools housing movements were demanding be implemented.

Kassab
As his voting base reflects, Kassab is much less preoccupied with the concerns of the periphery (and not just in the geographical sense of the word). He is focused mainly on the city center and outlying business and residential districts as the engine of São Paulo’s and Brazil’s economic life. As vice mayor from 2004, ascending to mayor in 2006 when José Serra left to become governor, Kassab oversaw a series of policies that have earned him the moniker Mr. Clean, at least in my head. At its best, his penchant for a tidy metropolis is responsible for the Lei Cidade Limpa that banned all outdoor advertising in the city. At its worst, it has promoted a violent program of what housing and social activists call the higenização do centro (hygieni-ciz-ation of the city center).

I already wrote about the protests organized to condemn the inhumane treatment of the homeless population in the second half of this post back in August. But Kassab and Serra are also known for the Nova Luz program, a similar strategy to clean up a historic area of the city and make it into a powerful business district. Perhaps the most notorious part of the program is a 400-man police raid on the portion of Luz known as Cracolândia, literally Crack Land, that had the predictable consequence of simply driving drug users and traffickers west to República and Santa Cecília, while battering the homeless and forcing them to look elsewhere to improvise shelter. Kassab recently announced that revitalizing the city center on the Nova Luz model will be the principal mark of his second administration. In Luz he will further the program by attempting to give private interests power to dispossess property, identified as run down or under utilized in the Nova Luz legislation, for their commercial possession and use. He might just be successful – the municipal elections saw the city council move slightly to the right, with the Worker’s Party losing 2 seats and Kassab’s Democratas gaining 5:

Composition of São Paulo City Council, 1996-2008

PT = Worker's Party
DEM = Democratas

Full interactive graphic available from Estadão here.

It's not a math problem, it's a moral problem

I passed on a job and future publication opportunity today. A local research institute wanted to contract me for a literature review (in English) of Brazilian works that deal with the relationship between civil society mobilization and service delivery. The timing of the offer was really bad, but I also couldn’t bring myself to cut out something else to make time for the assignment. Mulling over what to do brought on a rant that I am now going to reproduce here in extended form.

The subject for the review fell under a collection of comparative poli sci/development studies literature you might call “the politics of service delivery.” Once a significant focus of my undergrad reading, I have come to detest the basic assumptions and central methodologies of this body of work, as well as its inaccessibility to anyone without a degree in advanced jargon.

PSD literature starts from the basic, unstated assumption that the problems generating crappy/insufficient public services for poor citizens are essentially technocratic. We simply haven’t discovered the right combination of interventions, strategies for “scaling up” good programs, optimum mix of public-private-international partnerships, or the best institutional innovations for participation that would give better quality of life outcomes.

PSD literature further assumes that sterile academic publications with complicated pseudo-scientific methodologies - surveys, samplings, charts and regression - will discover solutions. What irks me the most reading this type of political science literature is how de-politicized it is, as if there weren’t clear disputes over power, control, rights and resources that kept public services from being adequate or effective. When I think of PSD authors I imagine a person with mid-western protestant manners too ingrained to hang out the dirty laundry in public. They know there are nasty egoistic forces at work but they would only be willing to hint at such in hushed kitchen tones. Mostly they whitewash their publications in jargon, perhaps from a desire for things to really be so sterile, or more likely, because they are so removed emotionally/practically from actual political battles that they don’t even know it to be otherwise.

Just look at the buzz-words to see what I mean. “Public-private partnerships” are tossed about as if the two entities were neutral but somehow combined become the wonder twins of poverty alleviation. Forget any discussion of how private (read: business) interests might be fundamentally opposed to meeting certain concerns of the poor, or of the incentives that governments have to pander to business interests over those of the “to be serviced” populations. Forget that between “public” and “private” there is no mention of poor people as members of any partnership. Or how about “civil society participation?” People love the term ‘civil society’ – governments, businesses, and uncritical academics – because it is stigma-less and ambiguously positive. It also conveniently prevents us from confronting the fact that big NGOs and advocacy groups both foreign and national, staffed by people who are usually not oppressed nor marginalized, dominate many of our “open democratic forums for civil society participation.” They do so in place of the people whose quality of life is actually being discussed, complicit in at least one aspect of their oppression – preventing the poor from taking control of the decisions that affect their lives. But unless you unpack what the hell “civil society” looks like in practice, you wouldn’t notice this.

Now I agree that there are instances when good intentions and public resources combine, but the promise gets lost in the bureaucracy of it all. Cases like these could use technocratic tweakings (though I still doubt the utility of producing academic papers on the subject. A few pissed off people wanting to make it better is what is needed – both inside and outside the government).

Ok, I have finished lambasting the literature on the politics of service delivery and arrive at my counter-interpretation, thanks for bearing with me…

In my last 5 months here I have realized that the most glaring social problems and instances of oppression have little to do with good intentions getting lost, technocratic and bureaucratic mix-ups, and/or a severe lack of statistical regressions. They have lot more to do with a simple refusal of those who have to treat those without with common human decency, while those not directly involved in oppression and violence nod in support or look the other way. The real problem is a deep moral failing in the body politic. Some might say it is a problem with our souls.

I’ll give an example. On Monday I participated in a protest by São Paulo’s homeless population and their allies in reaction to municipal efforts to clean up the city center. The problem with this type of “hygienic” politics, alleged the protesters, was that it failed to distinguish between trash and people. To clean up public spaces, the city was sending municipal water trucks to parks in the middle of the night to spray them down with high-powered water hoses, including the human beings sleeping there. Some homeless reported having their blankets taken and being subject to pepper-spray when police aided in the operations.

Further complaints from protesters include recent efforts to shut down some of the city’s homeless shelters, some of which were already forced to close and are now trying to re-open. In an online op-ed column criticizing the event in Brasil’s version of Times Magazine, one author dismisses a protester’s claim that the homeless “have nowhere to go” by citing the ability of these same shelters to meet demand. Frustrating enough, but I also learned directly from a man who works with São Paulo shelters that most cook their books to make it appear that people who were turned away for lack of space actually left the shelter voluntarily because they did not accept rules for curfews and no drugs.

Naming and confronting the backers of this hygienic politics was the main focus of the protest. Bearing signs and blankets painted with slogans such as “clean city, dirty conscience”, the mass marched to the buildings of several entities around Centro. At the Brazilian stock market protesters awarded a “Trophy of Hygienicizing” to a staff member; at the Merchandise & Futures Market they symbolically camped out on the distinctive blankets most homeless use; at the building of the Sub-Municipality and the headquarters of the Associação Viva o Centro (Live Centro Association – an influential business consortium) they dumped soapy water on the buildings’ the front steps to clean their dirty consciences; at city hall they repeated the water stunt and attempted to turn in their letter of demands to a mayor’s representative but were not received, being kept from reaching the front door by a circle of metal gates and security guards.

[PICTURES from CMI Brasil]
www.mediaindependente.org

(These are cartadores, workers who pick through trash for recyclables to make money. The city is also trying to run them out of Centro. Here they decked out their carts with Brazilian flags and carried the water for the protest.)

We don’t need a survey with a snowballing representative sample size to tell us what is going on here or to come up with a solution. Some people want to appropriate public space for the interest of upper-class citizens and private business, and are content to treat human beings like trash to do so. The solution is to decide this is morally reprehensible and to stop abusing homeless people. Don’t steal their blankets or spray them with hoses, and instead of closing homeless shelters, open more. That’s a good first step, is that so hard to come up with?

Or in a second example, see the part of my post on Real Parque titled “evictions.” The problem here is that a coalition of people want to kick other, impoverished people out of their shacks without regard to what might happen to them in the future. Teargas and rubber bullets if necessary. Don’t f-ing kick people out of their homes!! Buy off the landowner if he/she/it has a legitimate claim to the property (often doubtful, as Brazilian land titles and ownership histories are usually a cluster-fuck of competing swindles), but let the poor folks have a damned house.

Long story short, I passed on the literature review and spent the rest of my day visiting a collectively-built land occupation to the east of the city, watched a women who had been participating in the neighborhood movement for 3.5 years get awarded a house for her and her daughter, and I wrote this blog post. Feeling good about my decision at the moment.

World Social Forum 2009 in Belém Brasil

Check it!! Jan. 27- Feb. 1

http://www.fsm2009amazonia.org.br/

Guess whose visa expires at the end of February...

Recent translation work

A friend of mine did some architecture work with the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) and asked me to translate their latest action manifesto. This group is known for being the shit - if they were an urban movement I would be working for them.

MANIFESTO REPUDIATING THE CRIMINALIZATION OF THE MST PROMOTED BY THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF RIO GRANDE DO SUL.

AGAINST THE REVOCATION OF CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS, IN DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACY AND IN DEFENSE OF THE MST.

We, Brazilian citizens, members of social and political organizations, want to demonstrate to Brazilian society and the international community our indignation and most vehement repudiation of the measures taken by the Public Ministry and the Military Brigade of Rio Grande do Sul against the MST (Landless Workers Movement).

In September 2007 the Subcomandant General Cel. Paulo Roberto Mendes Rodrigues sent the Public Ministry a report elaborated by the Military Brigade that characterizes the MST and the Via Campesina as movements that have ceased to realize “typical acts for social demands” and have passed to orchestrating “acts typical of criminal organizations” and “paramilitaries.”

Such measures by the Military Brigade cross into the jurisdiction of the Federal and Civil Police, violating the 1988 Constitution. State deputies, governors, members of INCRA and supposed foreigners were secretly investigated.

On December 2, 2007, the Superior Council of the Public Ministry approved a report elaborated by prosecutor Gilberto Thums that designates “[…] a staff of Justice Department prosecutors to pursue public civil action with the aim dissolving the MST and declaring it illegal […]”. As such, the Public Ministry decided “[…] to intervene in the MST’s schools, with the intention of taking all measures necessary to reinstate legality, both in the pedagogical aspect and in the MST’s external structure of influence.”

On March 11, 2008, contradicting the inquiry of the Federal Police that investigated the MST in 2007, the Federal Public Ministry denounced 8 supposed members of the MST for “integrating groups whose objective was to move the State of Law, the present order in Brazil, that would practice crimes of political non-conformity,” crimes captured in the National Security Law of the now defunct dictatorship.

The denunciation refers to the encampments of the MST as a “parallel State” and points to the existence of support from FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia), among foreigners responsible for military training.

In addition to such measures is the intensifying process of police repression of the MST’s political actions. Peaceful marches, protests, and occupations are attacked with extreme violence on the part of the Military Brigade. The images reveal shocking brutality: bombs thrown in the middle of families with children, rubber bullets shot at face level and beatings.

It is against these measures if such authoritarian and dictatorial character that we come to publicly demonstrate our support of the MST.

Democracy cannot be an empty word. To dissolve the MST, make it illegal, prosecute and criminalize its actions and its political militants to “break its spine” signifies- in no uncertain terms- to annul the democratic rights of landless rural workers.

Such criminalization of poverty and social movements represents an attack on democratic liberties and cannot be tolerated in a country that intends to be free. Since re-democratization and the end of the military dictatorship this is the bluntest threat to civil and political rights, with intent to succeed, including against other popular organizations and our people’s fighters.

One of the report’s proposals goes to the extreme: it suggests canceling the voting registration of those landless encamped or settled in a region to avoid their political influence. Suffrage without the right to organize politically is a farce. To annul suffrage is patent dictatorship.

Not one citizen aware of Brazil’s recent history can be silent before so great, evident, and concrete a threat to democracy and Human Rights. This is a shameful offense to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the 1988 Constitution that reserve the right to association for lawful ends.

The MST is a social movement of popular character that fights for agrarian reform for social justice and popular sovereignty. The Brazilian elites need to learn that social questions should be resolved with POLITICS AND NOT WITH POLICE!

The only way to put an end to the MST is to put an end to the latifúndio (grand agricultural estate), to agro-business, and to millions of landless families by giving them opportunity for work and income in food production. This is the political proposal of agrarian reform guaranteed in the Federal Constitution, whose promise the MST claims thought its occupations and fights throughout Brazil for the last 25 years.

For this we call on all those that fight to stand at with us at the Public Act in Repudiation of the Criminalization of the MST Promoted by the Public Ministry of Rio Grande do Sul in the theater of the Catholic University of São Paulo (TUCA), Rua: Monte Alegre, 1024-Perdizez, at 7:00PM on July 16th, 2008.

DOWN WITH THE AUTHORITARIANISM OF THE MILITARY BRIGADE AND THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF RIO GRANDE DO SUL!

ALL SUPPORT TO THE WORKERS/LANDLESS, TO THE MST AND TO THE VIA CAMPESINA!

FOR AGRARIAN REFORM! FOR DEMOCRACY! AND FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY!

Real Parque

[note: I am in the process of adding video to this post. My internet connection is making it hard to upload now, so check back later]

Aight, I need to get down to my day-to-day business. This will be the first of a few posts talking about the communities I have been working in lately.

Real Parque is one of a handful of favelas spanning Rio Pinheiros that together form the front line of class conflict over non-peripheral urban space in São Paulo. (Centro, where I live, is the second front line. But there the fight is over occupations of abandoned buildings rather than self-built favela communities). Along with Paraisópolis, Jardim Colombo, and Jardim Panorama, Real Parque sits on the west side of the river next to the rich neighborhoods of Morumbi and the an upscale residential area that shares the name Real Parque.

COMPOSITION

There are, very roughly, around 4,000 residents in Real Parque – 3,000 in favela structures and 1,000 in conjuntos habitacionais (public housing blocks) built to hold residents who were removed to make space for a building supply store - a sort of Home Depot. This is one example of a process called verticalização – stacking favelados into housing blocks to get at the valuable land they occupy. Here are the closest things to before-and-after pictures I could make with google. If you look closely you can see that the favela has grown, though I unfortunately don't know the time lapse on these photos:

CULTURAL LIFE

I got to know Real Parque through Paula, an activist and resident who I met at a housing rights meeting. She caught my attention for complaining about NGO complicitness in the December 2007 evictions on the northwest edge of the community, which I will get into later. She works with a group of residents called Favela Atitude that brings plays and cultural events to Real Parque and Jardim Panorama.

Through her I also received an invite to attend the Pankararú festival this June. The Pankararú are indigenous Brazilians originally from a reservation in the northeastern state of Pernambuco. But as paulistano construction companies started recruiting from the poverty striken area and non-indigenous peasant families grew to occupy the majority of their land, the Pankararú migrated to the favelas of São Paulo starting in the 1940s. Real Parque boasts two Pankararú community centers and one of the most active groups of migrants in the city. Here are highlights of the festival a friend and I recorded:

PHOTO CREDITS: Kristine Stiphany

Until recently, it was prohibited to display these private, religious dances to anyone not in the tribe, and children could not participate. But the Pankararú made them public and began including their children in order to claim more social recognition and rights.

I also have some stuff from two members of Favela Atitude doing a little freestyle rap/sapateado after the show:

EVICTIONS

On December 11, 2007 police were called to enforce an eviction order for land occupied by 80-140 families. A judge granted the order on behalf of the Empresa Metropolitana de Águas e Energia (Metropolitan Water and Energy Company), a mixed public-private company claiming to own the land underneath their homes. It was to be the first phase in regaining a larger portion of the land claimed by EMAE.

Residents were given 4 hours notice that their homes were to be bulldozed. Some scrambled to remove their belongings from their houses, others resisted and were forced out. In what has become one of the principle forms of protest by favelados, groups of residents began to block road traffic on the Marginal – a main artery that connects the high-end business and residential districts in the southwest to roads running toward the city center. To clear the roadway, the Tropa de Choque (Shock Troop) attacked residents – including mothers with children – with teargas and rubber bullets. You can see clips of the eviction in this movie by Favela Atitude, including how the Pankararú pitched in with the protests.

While EMAE was seeking the removal order in court, locals were finding it hard to organize fellow residents as eviction rumors spread, in part because NGOs operating in the community were not backing the call to resist. The president of the largest outside NGO, Projeto Casulo, was dismissed after publicly supporting a call to fight removals. A look at Casulo’s finances hints at who might have been behind the dismissal: its sponsors include BIM and JPMorgan (investment banks), Bradesco (largest private bank in Brazil), the Brazilian Ministry of Culture, Unilever (consumer brands multi-national – think Dove soap, Axe body spray), and the Institute of Business Citizenship (a philanthropic consortium made up of Brazilian banks, advertisers, real estate developers, and construction firms whose mission is to support projects promoting “community development” and “business sensibility”). The remaining NGOs that did not have such deep pockets, some run by residents, were silenced with offers of office space in a new community center promised as part of the hazy plans for the bulldozed land.

As NGOs split the community, affluent residents from the non-favela side of Real Parque supported EMAE in court. Their neighborhood association hired a lawyer to draft a friend-of-the-court brief stating that removals were in the best interest of development in Real Parque. Unfortunately there is no clear neighborhood association on the favela side, and attempts to form one in the face of the EMAE threat are only superficially successful so far. Paula informed me that whenever they try to call meetings they are met with residents saying “I remember what happened last time we organized – the teargas and the rubber bullets. I’m not coming.”

At least for now, the eviction process is frozen. In January 2008 the São Paulo Public Defender’s office found EMAE was guilty of “bad faith litigation” in their pursuit to remove Real Parque residents. Turns out after having their request for removal denied by one judge, they changed some of the names and dates in their paperwork and illegally submitted the same claim to a court across the city. It was this court that granted the eviction order. The Public Defender sent the issue back to its court of origin where it is currently tied up.

REAL PARQUE AND MY PROJECT

So far I have mostly hang out – attended a few cultural events and interviewed Paula to get the back-story on evictions. I am making Real Parque a case study in how collaboration between government, business, and civil society explains the persistence of violent eviction (more common under dictatorship) even in conditions of democratic politics. Future plans are to do more visits and interviews, attend meetings once they start up again with the municipal government, and maybe give a few English lessons to residents. I'll keep posting...

Lula in Der Spiegel

Lula comments on the motives for the slum upgrading in Sunday's Der Spiegel:

SPIEGEL: A drug war is raging in your major cities. Armed gangs control most of the slums in Rio de Janeiro. Has the government lost control over the favelas?

Lula: Police power alone isn't enough to solve the problem. The government itself must make its presence felt and provide opportunities, and then the violence will subside. This is why we are cleaning up the biggest slums throughout the country. We are providing them with drinking water, energy and sewage systems, schools, hospitals and libraries. With economic growth running at between 4 and 6 percent over a number of years, all this becomes possible. We have allocated $270 billion (€175 billion) to spend on improving slums as well as modernizing our infrastructure such as ports, highways, railroads and airports -- all without any new borrowing.

Brasilândia

Time for another research update: I am growing tired of meeting new people and reading semi-random things. My thoughts on issues related to my topic- how democracy works in favelas and could work better- are starting to atrophy and I feel the overwhelming urge to just DO something. What I really lack is a sustained role that forges some sort of unity between thinking and action – a space for praxis.

This is now my top priority. Luckily a project I was half-heartedly helping out with looks like it has the potential to, at least in part, become this space.

For the last 3 weeks a group of University of São Paulo students in architecture and international relations has been in the process of creating children’s programming in favela Brasilândia- actually an agglomeration of several favelas to the north of the city. I was tagging along, not out of any great affinity for kids, but as a way to observe community meetings and get a feel for the area. Plus free coloring…



But after a planning meeting, the group has decided to re-think its involvement in the community. In a handful of weeks, Brasilândia will become another urbanization and regularization site in the city. The details are still being worked out, but the standards are surely in order: evicting people from areas of risk, possibly building public housing blocks to replace their demolished homes, paving a few roads, building sewage canals, and arranging land titles for the residents who are able to stay put.

Meaning it is a critical time for the neighborhood. It is about to undergo serious changes and needs to be organized and attentive to insist that, to every extent possible, residents be given control over the results.

Happily, the students decided this week on two important changes in approach to make their work more relevant to the community’s current position. First, they are going to start a series of dialogues with adults, including members of the community commission. Second, the themes for investigation will be generated by participants, rather than the university students. The overarching goal is to follow Paulo Freire’s model of a Liberating Pedagogy, creating an environment where participants achieve an ever more critical and expanded understanding of their reality, and begin to develop responses to the forces that confront and oppress them.

So at the moment we are recruiting more USP students, specifically ones with education backgrounds, to help us develop the project. I hope to get us some training with a unit at USP that has experience running literacy courses on the Freire model so we can learn “classroom” strategies. It is too early to tell if this will become my “praxis role” down here. I am still following up on a few leads in the search for groups that are doing good politicizing work in favelas. But it is something worth being optimistic about at least!

Anarchy in the SP

Every day I become a little more of a democratic anarchist.

Maybe it’s because I never hung out with people on Welfare in the U.S., but coming from a lefty big government crowd, I assumed that welfare was a great thing. Tax the rich and provide for the poor, it’s the best way to keep the ravages of capitalism in check.

But I do hang out with people in Brazilian slums, the recent recipients of billions of dollars worth of upgrading projects. Not welfare exactly, but still a big government scheme to, ostensibly, improve people’s lives. If only it were that simple. Here is what appears to happen in practice: the money goes to government employees and private companies who draw up plans for big construction projects. Hundreds of families get evicted to make way, and when lucky, they are sardine-ed into overpriced soviet-style public housing that, unlike their old homes, is not built to flexibly fit the needs of residents. Participation in the decision-making by residents is attempted but usually fails, so that government and private companies have the ultimate control over intimate aspects of poor peoples lives. It’s degrading and dehumanizing, and in a matter that is close to my heart, it is not democratic.

This happens all over the world. Poor people either get screwed without a thought, or they have to submit to dehumanizing and undemocratic philanthropy on the part of rich people, NGOs, and governments to meet basic needs. I get to buy filtered water if I don’t want to drink possibly contaminated water from the tap. A slum dweller has to submit to an interview from government officials in her home, two years of waiting, and finally a water-main installation project that displaces her neighbors before she can legally drink cleanish water out of her tap. Think about how that difference feels psychologically. It sucks.

Democracy means, or should mean, the idea that people should have control over the decisions and processes that affect their lives. And in a globalizing world this becomes more and more out of reach for all people, but especially the urban poor in “developing” countries. The answers we are generating to solve this are big-hearted international institutions (think the UN, multinational NGOs) to ameliorate the actions of big bad international actors (corporations and certain governments *cough* the U.S.). Side note: I don’t know how to classify the World Bank here- they seem to be in the middle of an identity-crisis between the two poles.

Perhaps the good and bad are not the problem, but size. Being BIG means something is too far from the people who matter to ever get it right, regardless of intentions. Small and anarchic is what we need, putting aside for a moment that I only have vague ideas what that might look like and not the faintest clue how it might be achieved.

Fun with abstracts

So the date to submit paper proposals for LASA 2009 was yesterday (Latin American Studies Association Conference – this one in Rio de Janeiro, currently Dengue Fever capital). As I am still floundering about the city with the shreds of a research question stuck to the soles of my sneakers, I of course have no idea what my paper for this might actually entail.

But as I am totally pumped at the prospect of going to Rio (and who wouldn’t be?) - I did what I normally do when under the gun to write up a proposal: screw any sense of what a person in my position is capable of researching and make outlandish and unfounded claims about what I intend to prove. When caught with your pants down, you might as well put on a show, no?

Here is the write-up. Notice the complete lack of any methodology, scientific objectivity, or claim to evidence. But in my defense, LASA only allows a 50-70 word paper description so there is really no space for all of that. (For anyone familiar with it, you can also notice the heavy influence of Charles Tilly’s essay War Making and State Making as Organized Crime. You can thank Bo for that lead.)

Title of Proposed Paper: Of Democracy and Discipline: The Logic of Government Engagement in the Slums of São Paulo

Description of Paper: In this paper I attempt to explain the seemingly contradictory involvement of the Brazilian state in urban squatter communities (favelas) in the present day. On the one hand, the Brazilian state has dropped dictatorship-era expulsion strategies and is now spending millions of dollars on research and upgrading programs to improve favela quality of life. On the other hand, the state continues to tacitly support the use of indiscriminate and excessive police violence in these same communities, with police killings rising sharply in the post-authoritarian period. I argue that this seemingly contradictory approach is actually a rational carrot and stick strategy to subdue favelas and bring them under state control. The ultimate aim of this strategy is to protect elite citizen's material interests from the underclass, hence the sticks, but it is tempered by the constraints that democratic electoral politics place on elite action. These constraints have caused the mutation of broad state violence into individual instances of police brutality and the new reliance on carrots to purchase favela acquiescence to state sovereignty.

And if all this wasn’t enough, I turned the beast in a day late because of continued internet access problems. Thankfully it’s not the German Studies Association conference, so I hope I’ll be OK.

(Researchers) have only interpreted the world…

“Those who authentically commit themselves to the people must re-examine themselves constantly…. The man or woman who proclaims devotion to the cause of human liberation yet is unable to enter into communion with the people… is grievously self-deceived. The convert who approaches the people but… attempts to impose his ‘status’ remains nostalgic towards his origins [as a member of an oppressive class].”
-Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed

My bumbling quest for THE research question is complicated by an identity crisis – what am I?

My official title is researcher, but this new hat sits awkwardly on my head. How do I reconcile this with my personal ethics and a longer history as “one devoted to the cause of human liberation”? Read the quote above and tell me how I am supposed to live up to this standard while at the same time produce academic work. Can it be done? Who has done it before? How would I do it in São Paulo?

I am only starting to get a taste for what being a researcher means, and the implications this could have on my work, my relations with people as I develop it, and what I will be in a position to produce. I can’t yet tell if they are implications I should welcome.

There are definite benefits to the researcher hat, don’t get me wrong. When I wave the Fulbright flag I get the time, attention, and help of powerful and well educated people who wouldn’t give me the time of day if I were, say, a random social justice activist (and foreign at that). Yet at the same time this relationship tends to force my thinking and communication into distinct boxes: they want to know my research question, methodology, and plans to proceed up front. I tend to get blank stares or a few confused questions when I start off any other way- traction only comes when I start speaking the academic language.

What I really want is a heart-to-heart with a Brazilian social justice academic who can share their experiences and insight, but one can’t expect to waltz into a random office and have this type of interaction within the first 15 minutes. It might take months to find this person and have this conversation.

Add this to the troubles I will soon have engaging favela residents, let alone academics, and my head is ready to explode.

The kicker? This is an identity I will be negotiating for the next 8 months, and perhaps the rest of my life if I continue academic pursuits. (Readers… your input would be appreciated, please consider a comment or e-mail!)

Brazilian Social Thought

Thanks to a meeting with one of the researchers at my affiliate I now have a 10-book tall stack of readings to peruse. And she got me excited about something I hadn’t yet considered – the importance of getting a taste for Brazilian social thought/criticism while here.

“It’s a little strange to us,” she said, “when foreign researchers come here to study housing, or social services, or poverty, but then their articles have bibliographies almost entirely in English.” That, or they only pull Portuguese language sources for their descriptions/data, but never touch the larger social theory that hasn’t been translated.

So a new goal is to buck this trend and make getting a taste for Brazilian social criticism a significant part of my time here. Aside from your stock Paulo Freire (whose Pedagogy of the Oppressed I am currently reading), the names on the top of the list are: Francisco de Oliveira, Gilberto Freyre, and Sérgio Buarque de Holanda. Heard of these? Me neither. But ask me again in 8 months!

Welcome to the World Bank

Little did I know that my first week in São Paulo happened to coincide with this.

It’s the “International Dialogue on Public Policy: The challenge of slum urbanization: Sharing São Paulo’s experience.” Funds for the conference came from the World Bank and member countries of the Cities Alliance (whose motto is “Cities without Slums,” a deliciously indeterminate phrase that brings to mind all sorts of lovely slum-clearing schemes). Why they chose the Hotel Intercontinental in Jardim Paulista is beyond me. Did the planners not notice the irony of holding a conference on slum upgrading at one of the chicest hotels in the city?

I showed up for the final plenary session around 9am on the coat tails of the aforementioned Columbia architecture group. We were given coffee and issued translation headsets before heading in to hear the closing thoughts of the invited participantes: public officials from Cairo (Egypt), Lagos (Nigeria), Ekurhuleni (South Africa), Mumbi (India), and Taguig (Phillipines). It was essentially a giant love fest, with plenty of gushing over the wonderful director of the São Paulo housing department and her staff. To be fair, it was a closing plenary, and that is how those things are supposed to go. But having just left Paraisópolis the day before I couldn’t help but feel uncomfortable at the self-congratulatory tone. That, and the champagne.

Rather than narrate, I will bullet point the excesses of the meeting:

• The plenary was followed by a champagne reception, then an amazing catered lunch and dessert buffet. (Never one to pass on free food, I admit I took advantage of the latter two.)
  
• An award ceremony and giant flower arrangement for the São Paulo housing director moments after she dodged a pointed question about insufficient compensation for evicted families with the response: “ummm… someone will meet with you later and you can ask them.”
  
• Printing maybe 200 glossy art-books summarizing the slum upgrading projects in the city that would easily run $35-40 retail, and giving them away to participants for free. Yes, I got one, and it could have been food for a month for someone who needed it.
  
• Having a World Bank rep confide to one of the Columbia professors that the reason impressive examples of slum upgrading in Caracas were not discussed during the week is because Venezuela just pulled out of the World Bank.

Paraisópolis

Never doubt the power of making random blog posts. That and a serendipitous crossing of calendars brought me across a table from Robert Neuwirth today – author of Shadow Cities and a one-time resident of favela Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro. Something about the journalism profession, perhaps the imperative to get people talking to you quickly and comfortably, makes for friendly and down to earth folk. (Also check his blog squattercity for updates on slum issues worldwide.)

Through him I have attached myself to a group from the Columbia University School of Architecture here to inject new ideas into the upgrading project going on in favela Paraisópolis (São Paulo’s second largest, with approx. 60,000 residents). Lucky for me they are getting the executive treatment and are happy to take me along for the ride – briefings by top housing officials in the city that I would have needed a month or more to score. Makes me think that getting a PhD and a tenured position somewhere is worth it only to have people take you seriously when you want information.

Also through them I got the chance to explore Paraisópolis, which you can see for yourself in the picture at the top of this post.

Paraisópolis is particularly notable for its proximity to the uber-rich bairro of Morumbi (see that building with the balcony pools?). This extreme closeness of favela to rich neighborhood is harder to find in São Paulo than in Rio, as most favelas and irregular settlements are in the periphery. Proximity also makes for some serious political tensions. One reason why São Paulo’s rich are so happy about slum upgrading is that the building plans effectively wall off Paraisópolis from its surroundings, hiding it behind new public housing high-rises and a four-lane road.

Paraisópolis also has a highly unusual grid formation due to the history of its founding. I have heard two versions of this, which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. First is the story of how the community began as a planned shantytown to house temporary workers from the interior, brought to the city to build the soccer stadium. When the workers never left, Parisópolis was born. That, and/or a zoning law made the already parceled and sold land virtually unbuildable, causing the original owners to abandon the property and leave pre-formed blocks ripe for squatting.

The presence of multiple ordered roads, even though narrow and choked with knots of traffic, has fed some quite vibrant business growth. There are small churches, grocery stores, bars, building supply and gas stores, clothing shops, and hairstylists. The proximity to service jobs in rich neighborhoods has boosted incomes and houses are impressive for a slum, made largely of brick, mortar, poured concrete and re-bar. Most have two or three floors. I learned from a resident that a nice place here with all basic amenities, and in rare cases even pirated internet access, rents for between $300-350 reais a month (200-220 dollars). “Very expensive,” she told me, and I am inclined to agree. When I left Columbus, OH I was paying just 100 dollars more for my half of a spacious apartment. Especially to anyone living in smaller or newer favelas, it’s a noticeably higher income bracket that populates the nicest parts of Paraisópolis.

Along with its poorer neighbors Jardim Colombo and Porto Seguro, the city has chosen Paraisópolis to be the site of a flagship urbanization and regularization program. Approximately $1 billion reais (670 million dollars) will be channeled into upgraded road and sewage systems, as home demolition makes way for green spaces and public housing. There are all sorts of interesting tensions around this that might be worth unpacking. Look out for a future post…