Municipal Elections 1: Results

Bad news for favelados, cortiço dwellers, and other Paulistano citizens in “informal/irregular/precarious” housing: results of the municipal elections came in at the end of October and Gilberto Kassab beat out Marta Suplicy to continue as the mayor São Paulo. While I am not crazy about either candidate, Marta was clearly the better choice on housing issues, and was endorsed by all the housing and social movements I have contacts with in the city.

You can see the dichotomy of support best in this graphic from the Folha de São Paulo. The poor peripheral regions of the city, which house the majority of favelas and loteamentos irregulares, voted Marta while the wealthier residential and commercial districts went for Kassab.

See full-size graphic here.

Candidate Info

Marta
Marta, of the left wing Worker’s Party, was mayor from 2000-2004 and is known for implementing an Orcamento Participativo (participatory budget), creating a system of Unified Education Centers that serve many favelas and poor neighborhoods, and integrating public transportation fares with the Bilhete Único electronic fare cards. To her discredit, she failed to make promised transportation infrastructure improvements and left the city with a pile of debt and unfinished programs. I also have qualms with the OP and education centers in practice, but they are great strides over having no programs at all.

Also critical, the city launched its first Plano Diretor under Marta’s administration, a voluminous legislative package designed to wield some pretty radical urban policy tools made legal by the federal government in 2001. These tools include special zoning protections for low income and irregular communities, processes for disappropriating under-utilized private lands for popular housing, legal instruments to regularize land tenure, and the creation of participatory councils for urbanization projects in irregular areas. Many elements of Marta’s Plano Diretor never left paper under Serra-Kassab, who later used this as an excuse to argue that the Plano should be re-written to cut out a lot of the tools housing movements were demanding be implemented.

Kassab
As his voting base reflects, Kassab is much less preoccupied with the concerns of the periphery (and not just in the geographical sense of the word). He is focused mainly on the city center and outlying business and residential districts as the engine of São Paulo’s and Brazil’s economic life. As vice mayor from 2004, ascending to mayor in 2006 when José Serra left to become governor, Kassab oversaw a series of policies that have earned him the moniker Mr. Clean, at least in my head. At its best, his penchant for a tidy metropolis is responsible for the Lei Cidade Limpa that banned all outdoor advertising in the city. At its worst, it has promoted a violent program of what housing and social activists call the higenização do centro (hygieni-ciz-ation of the city center).

I already wrote about the protests organized to condemn the inhumane treatment of the homeless population in the second half of this post back in August. But Kassab and Serra are also known for the Nova Luz program, a similar strategy to clean up a historic area of the city and make it into a powerful business district. Perhaps the most notorious part of the program is a 400-man police raid on the portion of Luz known as Cracolândia, literally Crack Land, that had the predictable consequence of simply driving drug users and traffickers west to República and Santa Cecília, while battering the homeless and forcing them to look elsewhere to improvise shelter. Kassab recently announced that revitalizing the city center on the Nova Luz model will be the principal mark of his second administration. In Luz he will further the program by attempting to give private interests power to dispossess property, identified as run down or under utilized in the Nova Luz legislation, for their commercial possession and use. He might just be successful – the municipal elections saw the city council move slightly to the right, with the Worker’s Party losing 2 seats and Kassab’s Democratas gaining 5:

Composition of São Paulo City Council, 1996-2008

PT = Worker's Party
DEM = Democratas

Full interactive graphic available from Estadão here.

Obama-Biden Urban Policy Agenda

This just showed up on Change.gov, the online office of the president elect. (Since when do you get an online office before being inaugurated? Eh, anyhow, the info is extensive). It's the Obama-Biden urban policy agenda.

I am wrapping up my time here in São Paulo and getting ready to continue work on housing and urban social justice in the States. This means learning as much about urban politics and housing policy back home as I did down here. I'll be studying this with interest in the days to come.

Everything I ever needed to know about capitalism and democracy, I learned from pirates

Great (but too short) interview with the author of a new paper on pirates, where he shares some parallels between 17th century pirate organization and modern democracy-capitalism. Says a bit about the current financial crisis too.

Dangerous inequality in U.S. Cities

A new United Nations Report "State of the World's Cities 2008/2009" finds economic inequality in American cities to to be above an internationally recognized "alert level" used to warn governments of possible negative social, political, and economic consequences. Race was seen as a central factor in the economic divide.

Unfortunately the report itself is not up for free download, but media stories on it give the general idea.

This comes on the heels of the last State of the World's Cities report from 2006-2007 which found evidence that slum dwellers in urban areas are worse off than poor rural populations.

It's not a math problem, it's a moral problem

I passed on a job and future publication opportunity today. A local research institute wanted to contract me for a literature review (in English) of Brazilian works that deal with the relationship between civil society mobilization and service delivery. The timing of the offer was really bad, but I also couldn’t bring myself to cut out something else to make time for the assignment. Mulling over what to do brought on a rant that I am now going to reproduce here in extended form.

The subject for the review fell under a collection of comparative poli sci/development studies literature you might call “the politics of service delivery.” Once a significant focus of my undergrad reading, I have come to detest the basic assumptions and central methodologies of this body of work, as well as its inaccessibility to anyone without a degree in advanced jargon.

PSD literature starts from the basic, unstated assumption that the problems generating crappy/insufficient public services for poor citizens are essentially technocratic. We simply haven’t discovered the right combination of interventions, strategies for “scaling up” good programs, optimum mix of public-private-international partnerships, or the best institutional innovations for participation that would give better quality of life outcomes.

PSD literature further assumes that sterile academic publications with complicated pseudo-scientific methodologies - surveys, samplings, charts and regression - will discover solutions. What irks me the most reading this type of political science literature is how de-politicized it is, as if there weren’t clear disputes over power, control, rights and resources that kept public services from being adequate or effective. When I think of PSD authors I imagine a person with mid-western protestant manners too ingrained to hang out the dirty laundry in public. They know there are nasty egoistic forces at work but they would only be willing to hint at such in hushed kitchen tones. Mostly they whitewash their publications in jargon, perhaps from a desire for things to really be so sterile, or more likely, because they are so removed emotionally/practically from actual political battles that they don’t even know it to be otherwise.

Just look at the buzz-words to see what I mean. “Public-private partnerships” are tossed about as if the two entities were neutral but somehow combined become the wonder twins of poverty alleviation. Forget any discussion of how private (read: business) interests might be fundamentally opposed to meeting certain concerns of the poor, or of the incentives that governments have to pander to business interests over those of the “to be serviced” populations. Forget that between “public” and “private” there is no mention of poor people as members of any partnership. Or how about “civil society participation?” People love the term ‘civil society’ – governments, businesses, and uncritical academics – because it is stigma-less and ambiguously positive. It also conveniently prevents us from confronting the fact that big NGOs and advocacy groups both foreign and national, staffed by people who are usually not oppressed nor marginalized, dominate many of our “open democratic forums for civil society participation.” They do so in place of the people whose quality of life is actually being discussed, complicit in at least one aspect of their oppression – preventing the poor from taking control of the decisions that affect their lives. But unless you unpack what the hell “civil society” looks like in practice, you wouldn’t notice this.

Now I agree that there are instances when good intentions and public resources combine, but the promise gets lost in the bureaucracy of it all. Cases like these could use technocratic tweakings (though I still doubt the utility of producing academic papers on the subject. A few pissed off people wanting to make it better is what is needed – both inside and outside the government).

Ok, I have finished lambasting the literature on the politics of service delivery and arrive at my counter-interpretation, thanks for bearing with me…

In my last 5 months here I have realized that the most glaring social problems and instances of oppression have little to do with good intentions getting lost, technocratic and bureaucratic mix-ups, and/or a severe lack of statistical regressions. They have lot more to do with a simple refusal of those who have to treat those without with common human decency, while those not directly involved in oppression and violence nod in support or look the other way. The real problem is a deep moral failing in the body politic. Some might say it is a problem with our souls.

I’ll give an example. On Monday I participated in a protest by São Paulo’s homeless population and their allies in reaction to municipal efforts to clean up the city center. The problem with this type of “hygienic” politics, alleged the protesters, was that it failed to distinguish between trash and people. To clean up public spaces, the city was sending municipal water trucks to parks in the middle of the night to spray them down with high-powered water hoses, including the human beings sleeping there. Some homeless reported having their blankets taken and being subject to pepper-spray when police aided in the operations.

Further complaints from protesters include recent efforts to shut down some of the city’s homeless shelters, some of which were already forced to close and are now trying to re-open. In an online op-ed column criticizing the event in Brasil’s version of Times Magazine, one author dismisses a protester’s claim that the homeless “have nowhere to go” by citing the ability of these same shelters to meet demand. Frustrating enough, but I also learned directly from a man who works with São Paulo shelters that most cook their books to make it appear that people who were turned away for lack of space actually left the shelter voluntarily because they did not accept rules for curfews and no drugs.

Naming and confronting the backers of this hygienic politics was the main focus of the protest. Bearing signs and blankets painted with slogans such as “clean city, dirty conscience”, the mass marched to the buildings of several entities around Centro. At the Brazilian stock market protesters awarded a “Trophy of Hygienicizing” to a staff member; at the Merchandise & Futures Market they symbolically camped out on the distinctive blankets most homeless use; at the building of the Sub-Municipality and the headquarters of the Associação Viva o Centro (Live Centro Association – an influential business consortium) they dumped soapy water on the buildings’ the front steps to clean their dirty consciences; at city hall they repeated the water stunt and attempted to turn in their letter of demands to a mayor’s representative but were not received, being kept from reaching the front door by a circle of metal gates and security guards.

[PICTURES from CMI Brasil]
www.mediaindependente.org

(These are cartadores, workers who pick through trash for recyclables to make money. The city is also trying to run them out of Centro. Here they decked out their carts with Brazilian flags and carried the water for the protest.)

We don’t need a survey with a snowballing representative sample size to tell us what is going on here or to come up with a solution. Some people want to appropriate public space for the interest of upper-class citizens and private business, and are content to treat human beings like trash to do so. The solution is to decide this is morally reprehensible and to stop abusing homeless people. Don’t steal their blankets or spray them with hoses, and instead of closing homeless shelters, open more. That’s a good first step, is that so hard to come up with?

Or in a second example, see the part of my post on Real Parque titled “evictions.” The problem here is that a coalition of people want to kick other, impoverished people out of their shacks without regard to what might happen to them in the future. Teargas and rubber bullets if necessary. Don’t f-ing kick people out of their homes!! Buy off the landowner if he/she/it has a legitimate claim to the property (often doubtful, as Brazilian land titles and ownership histories are usually a cluster-fuck of competing swindles), but let the poor folks have a damned house.

Long story short, I passed on the literature review and spent the rest of my day visiting a collectively-built land occupation to the east of the city, watched a women who had been participating in the neighborhood movement for 3.5 years get awarded a house for her and her daughter, and I wrote this blog post. Feeling good about my decision at the moment.

World Social Forum 2009 in Belém Brasil

Check it!! Jan. 27- Feb. 1

http://www.fsm2009amazonia.org.br/

Guess whose visa expires at the end of February...

Recent translation work

A friend of mine did some architecture work with the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) and asked me to translate their latest action manifesto. This group is known for being the shit - if they were an urban movement I would be working for them.

MANIFESTO REPUDIATING THE CRIMINALIZATION OF THE MST PROMOTED BY THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF RIO GRANDE DO SUL.

AGAINST THE REVOCATION OF CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS, IN DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACY AND IN DEFENSE OF THE MST.

We, Brazilian citizens, members of social and political organizations, want to demonstrate to Brazilian society and the international community our indignation and most vehement repudiation of the measures taken by the Public Ministry and the Military Brigade of Rio Grande do Sul against the MST (Landless Workers Movement).

In September 2007 the Subcomandant General Cel. Paulo Roberto Mendes Rodrigues sent the Public Ministry a report elaborated by the Military Brigade that characterizes the MST and the Via Campesina as movements that have ceased to realize “typical acts for social demands” and have passed to orchestrating “acts typical of criminal organizations” and “paramilitaries.”

Such measures by the Military Brigade cross into the jurisdiction of the Federal and Civil Police, violating the 1988 Constitution. State deputies, governors, members of INCRA and supposed foreigners were secretly investigated.

On December 2, 2007, the Superior Council of the Public Ministry approved a report elaborated by prosecutor Gilberto Thums that designates “[…] a staff of Justice Department prosecutors to pursue public civil action with the aim dissolving the MST and declaring it illegal […]”. As such, the Public Ministry decided “[…] to intervene in the MST’s schools, with the intention of taking all measures necessary to reinstate legality, both in the pedagogical aspect and in the MST’s external structure of influence.”

On March 11, 2008, contradicting the inquiry of the Federal Police that investigated the MST in 2007, the Federal Public Ministry denounced 8 supposed members of the MST for “integrating groups whose objective was to move the State of Law, the present order in Brazil, that would practice crimes of political non-conformity,” crimes captured in the National Security Law of the now defunct dictatorship.

The denunciation refers to the encampments of the MST as a “parallel State” and points to the existence of support from FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia), among foreigners responsible for military training.

In addition to such measures is the intensifying process of police repression of the MST’s political actions. Peaceful marches, protests, and occupations are attacked with extreme violence on the part of the Military Brigade. The images reveal shocking brutality: bombs thrown in the middle of families with children, rubber bullets shot at face level and beatings.

It is against these measures if such authoritarian and dictatorial character that we come to publicly demonstrate our support of the MST.

Democracy cannot be an empty word. To dissolve the MST, make it illegal, prosecute and criminalize its actions and its political militants to “break its spine” signifies- in no uncertain terms- to annul the democratic rights of landless rural workers.

Such criminalization of poverty and social movements represents an attack on democratic liberties and cannot be tolerated in a country that intends to be free. Since re-democratization and the end of the military dictatorship this is the bluntest threat to civil and political rights, with intent to succeed, including against other popular organizations and our people’s fighters.

One of the report’s proposals goes to the extreme: it suggests canceling the voting registration of those landless encamped or settled in a region to avoid their political influence. Suffrage without the right to organize politically is a farce. To annul suffrage is patent dictatorship.

Not one citizen aware of Brazil’s recent history can be silent before so great, evident, and concrete a threat to democracy and Human Rights. This is a shameful offense to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the 1988 Constitution that reserve the right to association for lawful ends.

The MST is a social movement of popular character that fights for agrarian reform for social justice and popular sovereignty. The Brazilian elites need to learn that social questions should be resolved with POLITICS AND NOT WITH POLICE!

The only way to put an end to the MST is to put an end to the latifúndio (grand agricultural estate), to agro-business, and to millions of landless families by giving them opportunity for work and income in food production. This is the political proposal of agrarian reform guaranteed in the Federal Constitution, whose promise the MST claims thought its occupations and fights throughout Brazil for the last 25 years.

For this we call on all those that fight to stand at with us at the Public Act in Repudiation of the Criminalization of the MST Promoted by the Public Ministry of Rio Grande do Sul in the theater of the Catholic University of São Paulo (TUCA), Rua: Monte Alegre, 1024-Perdizez, at 7:00PM on July 16th, 2008.

DOWN WITH THE AUTHORITARIANISM OF THE MILITARY BRIGADE AND THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF RIO GRANDE DO SUL!

ALL SUPPORT TO THE WORKERS/LANDLESS, TO THE MST AND TO THE VIA CAMPESINA!

FOR AGRARIAN REFORM! FOR DEMOCRACY! AND FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY!

Real Parque

[note: I am in the process of adding video to this post. My internet connection is making it hard to upload now, so check back later]

Aight, I need to get down to my day-to-day business. This will be the first of a few posts talking about the communities I have been working in lately.

Real Parque is one of a handful of favelas spanning Rio Pinheiros that together form the front line of class conflict over non-peripheral urban space in São Paulo. (Centro, where I live, is the second front line. But there the fight is over occupations of abandoned buildings rather than self-built favela communities). Along with Paraisópolis, Jardim Colombo, and Jardim Panorama, Real Parque sits on the west side of the river next to the rich neighborhoods of Morumbi and the an upscale residential area that shares the name Real Parque.

COMPOSITION

There are, very roughly, around 4,000 residents in Real Parque – 3,000 in favela structures and 1,000 in conjuntos habitacionais (public housing blocks) built to hold residents who were removed to make space for a building supply store - a sort of Home Depot. This is one example of a process called verticalização – stacking favelados into housing blocks to get at the valuable land they occupy. Here are the closest things to before-and-after pictures I could make with google. If you look closely you can see that the favela has grown, though I unfortunately don't know the time lapse on these photos:

CULTURAL LIFE

I got to know Real Parque through Paula, an activist and resident who I met at a housing rights meeting. She caught my attention for complaining about NGO complicitness in the December 2007 evictions on the northwest edge of the community, which I will get into later. She works with a group of residents called Favela Atitude that brings plays and cultural events to Real Parque and Jardim Panorama.

Through her I also received an invite to attend the Pankararú festival this June. The Pankararú are indigenous Brazilians originally from a reservation in the northeastern state of Pernambuco. But as paulistano construction companies started recruiting from the poverty striken area and non-indigenous peasant families grew to occupy the majority of their land, the Pankararú migrated to the favelas of São Paulo starting in the 1940s. Real Parque boasts two Pankararú community centers and one of the most active groups of migrants in the city. Here are highlights of the festival a friend and I recorded:

PHOTO CREDITS: Kristine Stiphany

Until recently, it was prohibited to display these private, religious dances to anyone not in the tribe, and children could not participate. But the Pankararú made them public and began including their children in order to claim more social recognition and rights.

I also have some stuff from two members of Favela Atitude doing a little freestyle rap/sapateado after the show:

EVICTIONS

On December 11, 2007 police were called to enforce an eviction order for land occupied by 80-140 families. A judge granted the order on behalf of the Empresa Metropolitana de Águas e Energia (Metropolitan Water and Energy Company), a mixed public-private company claiming to own the land underneath their homes. It was to be the first phase in regaining a larger portion of the land claimed by EMAE.

Residents were given 4 hours notice that their homes were to be bulldozed. Some scrambled to remove their belongings from their houses, others resisted and were forced out. In what has become one of the principle forms of protest by favelados, groups of residents began to block road traffic on the Marginal – a main artery that connects the high-end business and residential districts in the southwest to roads running toward the city center. To clear the roadway, the Tropa de Choque (Shock Troop) attacked residents – including mothers with children – with teargas and rubber bullets. You can see clips of the eviction in this movie by Favela Atitude, including how the Pankararú pitched in with the protests.

While EMAE was seeking the removal order in court, locals were finding it hard to organize fellow residents as eviction rumors spread, in part because NGOs operating in the community were not backing the call to resist. The president of the largest outside NGO, Projeto Casulo, was dismissed after publicly supporting a call to fight removals. A look at Casulo’s finances hints at who might have been behind the dismissal: its sponsors include BIM and JPMorgan (investment banks), Bradesco (largest private bank in Brazil), the Brazilian Ministry of Culture, Unilever (consumer brands multi-national – think Dove soap, Axe body spray), and the Institute of Business Citizenship (a philanthropic consortium made up of Brazilian banks, advertisers, real estate developers, and construction firms whose mission is to support projects promoting “community development” and “business sensibility”). The remaining NGOs that did not have such deep pockets, some run by residents, were silenced with offers of office space in a new community center promised as part of the hazy plans for the bulldozed land.

As NGOs split the community, affluent residents from the non-favela side of Real Parque supported EMAE in court. Their neighborhood association hired a lawyer to draft a friend-of-the-court brief stating that removals were in the best interest of development in Real Parque. Unfortunately there is no clear neighborhood association on the favela side, and attempts to form one in the face of the EMAE threat are only superficially successful so far. Paula informed me that whenever they try to call meetings they are met with residents saying “I remember what happened last time we organized – the teargas and the rubber bullets. I’m not coming.”

At least for now, the eviction process is frozen. In January 2008 the São Paulo Public Defender’s office found EMAE was guilty of “bad faith litigation” in their pursuit to remove Real Parque residents. Turns out after having their request for removal denied by one judge, they changed some of the names and dates in their paperwork and illegally submitted the same claim to a court across the city. It was this court that granted the eviction order. The Public Defender sent the issue back to its court of origin where it is currently tied up.

REAL PARQUE AND MY PROJECT

So far I have mostly hang out – attended a few cultural events and interviewed Paula to get the back-story on evictions. I am making Real Parque a case study in how collaboration between government, business, and civil society explains the persistence of violent eviction (more common under dictatorship) even in conditions of democratic politics. Future plans are to do more visits and interviews, attend meetings once they start up again with the municipal government, and maybe give a few English lessons to residents. I'll keep posting...

The truth will set you free

Just wanted to share this excerpt from the final chapter of The Kingdom of God is Within You by Leo Tolstoy. As a quick summary, the book argues that society is built on explicit and implicit violence, and that commitment to Christian non-violence on the part of each individual is the only path to achieving social justice. The first step is recognizing this truth, the second is to proclaim it and live it in your own life, and finally to have faith that the truth will convert others and the violent order will fall. The socially just order that will replace it is the coming of the Kingdom of God that the Bible promises, and in Tolstoy's analysis, all this is what is meant by the passage in Luke 17:20-21:

The kingdom of God cometh not with outward show; neither shall they say, Lo here! Or, Lo there! For behold, the kingdom of God is within you.

Reading this has been one of several things in my post-undergrad experience that has reminded me to value of the internal world of the individual - their heart/mind/soul - in the struggle to end oppression, and not just external social-political-economic arrangements. I don't consider myself Christian, but there is much to learn from the more radical Christian traditions. Enjoy!

It is precisely those people who profess most anxiety for the amelioration of human life, and are regarded as the leaders of public opinion, who assert that there is no need to [strengthen the consciousness of Christian truth on the part of each individual man], and that there are more effective means for the amelioration of men’s condition. They affirm that the amelioration of human life is effected not by the efforts of individual men, to recognize and propagate the truth, but by the gradual modification of the general condition of life, and that therefore the efforts of individuals should be directed to the gradual modification of external conditions for the better. For every advocacy of a truth inconsistent with the existing order by the individual is, they maintain, not only useless but injurious, since it provokes coercive measures on the part of authorities, restricting these individuals from continuing any action useful in society. According to this doctrine all modifications in human life are brought about by precisely the same laws as in the life of the animals.

So that, according to this doctrine, all the founders of religions, such as Moses and the prophets, Confucius, Lao-Tse, Budda, Christ, and others, preached their doctrines and their followers accepted them, not because they loved truth, but because the political, social, and above all economic conditions of the peoples among whom these religions arose were favorable for their origination and development.

And therefore the chief efforts of the man who wishes to serve society and improve the condition of humanity ought, according to this doctrine, to be directed not to the elucidation and propagation of truth, but to the improvement of the external political, social, and above all economic conditions. And the modification of these conditions is partly effected by serving the government and introducing liberal and progressive principles into it, partly in promoting the development of industry and the propagation of socialistic ideas, and most of all by the diffusion of science. According to this theory it is of no consequence whether you profess the truth revealed to you, and therefore realize it in your life, or at least refrain from committing actions opposed to the truth, such as serving the government and strengthening its authority when you regard it as injurious, profiting from the capitalistic system when you regard it as wrong, showing veneration for various ceremonies which you believe to be founded on error, serving as a soldier, taking oaths, and lying, and lowering yourself generally. It is useless to refrain from all that; what is of use is not altering the existing forms life, but submitting to them against your own convictions, introducing liberalism into the existing institutions, promoting commerce, the propaganda of socialism, and the triumphs of what is called science, and the diffusion of education. According to this theory one can remain a landowner, merchant, manufacturer, judge, official in government pay, officer or soldier, and still be not only a humane man, but even a socialist and revolutionary.

Hypocrisy, which had formerly only a religious basis in the doctrine of original sin, the redemption, and the Church, has in our day gained a new scientific basis and has consequently caught in it nets all those who had reached too high a stage of development to be able to find support in religious hypocrisy. So that while in former days a man who professed the religion of the Church could take part in all the crimes of the state, and profit by them, and still regard himself free from the taint of sin, so long as he fulfilled the external observances of the creed, nowadays all who do not believe in the Christianity of the Church, find similar well-founded irrefutable reasons in science for regarding themselves as blameless and even highly moral in spite of their participation in the misdeeds of government and the advantages they gain from them.

More thoughts on the utility of academics

Studying the creation and maintenance of depressed urban communities in Brazil got me thinking about how little I know about the same subject in the U.S. With the exception of a history book of Harlem, Upton Sinclair's The Jungle, and one article on government red-lining, I don't know much about the American ghetto. (Side note: the word in Portuguese is "gueto." I read a whole article scratching my head, wondering what the hell the author meant by "gwee-toe?" "gweh-tu?" until I finally got my head in one language to realize that the Portuguese spelling approximates the English pronunciation).

I went looking for any radical academic thought that arose out of this element of our "American experience" and found the article "Revolutionary and Counter-Revolutionary Theory in Geography and the Problem of Ghetto Formation” (David Harvey, 1973). A great excerpt got me thinking again about the constant battle between the relative utilities of academics and activism, and the plausibility of forging a middle-way:

A revolutionary approach to theory… does not entail yet another empirical investigation of the social conditions in the ghettos. In fact, mapping even more evidence of man’s patent inhumanity to man is counter-revolutionary in the sense that it allows the bleeding-heart liberal in us to pretend we are contributing to a solution when in fact we are not. This kind of empiricism is irrelevant. There is already enough information in congressional reports, newspapers, books, articles and so on to provide us with all the evidence we need….

This immediate task is nothing more nor less than a self-conscious and aware construction of a new paradigm for social geographic thought through a deep and profound critique of our existing analytical constructs. This is what we are best equipped to do. We are academics, after all, working with the tools of the academic trade. As such, our task is to mobilize our powers of thought to formulate concepts and categories, theories and arguments, which we can apply to the task of bringing about a humanizing social change. These concepts and categories cannot be formulated in abstraction. They must be forged realistically with respect to the events and actions as they unfold around us. Empirical evidence, the already assembled dossiers, and the experiences gained in the community can and must be used here. But all of those experiences and all of that information means little unless we synthesize it into powerful patterns of thought.

Chalk one up in the academic column, but add a dis for hyper-empiricist research. I like this guy. And while he is raising the flag for radical geographic thought, it could just as easily be any social science.

A global phenomenon, and what the hell can we expect democracy to do about it?

This great story in the NYTimes about Gurgaon, India reveals the same phenomena that arise in many "third-world" cities as they become outposts of the global economy. It's similar to São Paulo: severe income inequality made plain through the proximity of slums to luxury high-rises, elites buying exclusive access to public goods of education/health/law and order, and a low state capacity to provide even basic necessities for those not living in these private enclaves.

The story includes quotes from residents of the complex pictured that will surely make your blood boil a bit. There's also an accompanying slide-show to get a better sense of what lives are like on either side of this urban universe. Really, do read the article.

PHOTO: Ruth Fremson, NYTimes

The author only briefly touches on the role democracy plays in this system, noting that:

India has long lived with such inequities, and though a Maoist rebellion is building in the countryside, the nation has for the most part skirted social upheaval through a critical safety valve: giving the poor their chance to vent at the ballot box. Indeed, four years ago, voters threw out the incumbent government, with its “India Shining” slogan, because it was perceived to have neglected the poor.

In democracy, leadership change is always possible and rarely prohibitively difficult. And it is true that the party in power does tweak how a state relates to underclasses (most often this shows in levels of social spending). But if India is anything like Brazil, I would venture to guess that voting and other democratic institutions have not fundamentally altered the nature of urban inequality, nor the basic relationship between the poor and the state. When I feel pessimistic, I doubt whether they ever will.

The field of comparative politics gives certain reasons for why democracies in practice are limited in this respect: clientelism and cronyism, corruption, manipulation of the press, fractured party systems and other institutional weaknesses, etc. If we can break these patterns and strengthen institutions, democracy will "function better." (As an aside, what constitutes "better functioning" is ultimately a normative question, making comparativists pretty useless for defining it in any compelling way. But for me, better functioning means creating conditions of social justice.)

The technocratic cartwheels of comparative politics aside, they are basically using what I call the "more cowbell" argument. (Recall the classic SNL skit with Christopher Walken exclaiming "I've got a fever, and the only prescription is more cowbell!") If something isn't working - in this case democracy - we just need more of it.

But what if all the noise from the cowbell is covering up an inherently bad tune? Political theorists in the line of Marx will tell you that capitalism is to blame, to which democracy is inherently secondary - nothing more than a distraction from the economic gluttony and exploitation at work, a way to pacify the oppressed by giving them a superficial outlet for their anger. As an OSU professor has noted, democracy is unlike any other political system in that it internalizes descent. And in my thinking, it is in fact anti-revolutionary - to the degree that it keeps all sides playing under the established rules of the game and feeding the underdogs small victories as needed - just enough to keep them in for the next round.

Still, I'm not convinced this is inherently so. I don't really have any answers here. There was a time when I believed wholeheartedly in democracy's ability to facilitate fundamental changes, perhaps radical. I am much more pessimistic now, but where has that gotten me? I still can't untangle the knotted roots of urban injustice enough to say with conviction what they are, how they work, or most importantly, where to start pulling them up.

Lula in Der Spiegel

Lula comments on the motives for the slum upgrading in Sunday's Der Spiegel:

SPIEGEL: A drug war is raging in your major cities. Armed gangs control most of the slums in Rio de Janeiro. Has the government lost control over the favelas?

Lula: Police power alone isn't enough to solve the problem. The government itself must make its presence felt and provide opportunities, and then the violence will subside. This is why we are cleaning up the biggest slums throughout the country. We are providing them with drinking water, energy and sewage systems, schools, hospitals and libraries. With economic growth running at between 4 and 6 percent over a number of years, all this becomes possible. We have allocated $270 billion (€175 billion) to spend on improving slums as well as modernizing our infrastructure such as ports, highways, railroads and airports -- all without any new borrowing.

Writing, teaching, and community media

I’m gonna throw this out, trusting you to chew on it awhile and give me your thoughts. I am pondering making a significant part of my life writing for a popular audience, teaching writing, and starting newspapers in marginal communities.

This idea came to me the other day and I can’t get it out of my head. I think this is because:

(1) Reading Pedagogy of the Oppressed has affirmed for me the importance of mental liberation as a necessary element of social change, not just changes in material relations. I come from a generation of young, western, bleeding-heart types being sent into the world with development studies degrees and dreams of staffing world-saving NGOs. But I have already concluded that both government poverty programs and their “purer” NGO counterparts suffer from a deep fear of trusting poor people with resources or ever allowing their citizens/clients true autonomy- thereby negating their own reason for existence. The only way that the underclasses of the world will get this control is by demanding it on their own terms. A pre-requisite of this demand is a critical understanding of reality and why it exists as it does. A pre-requisite of this understanding is freeing the mind from the myths that locate the sources of oppressive situations in oppressed people themselves, writing counter narratives… basically people who aren’t encouraged to think thinking for themselves and forming their own ideas of “what is” and “what should be done.” Community written and controlled newspapers could provide a space for this to happen, as could writing classes.

(2) Developing an ever more complex, critical, and reflective understanding of the world (both its larger elements, and the parts that intimately affect my life) has been THE thing making my life worth living. To use Freire’s language, this is the project of becoming progressively more human. Having my understanding of a situation completely blow up in my face, letting the smoke clear to see it in an entirely new way, and discovering that I am capable of changing that reality now that I understand it – that’s where it is AT! If my life project isn’t helping other people have this experience then it’s a waste.

(3) I might be better suited writing for popular, rather than academic consumption. I like writing, people tell me I am goodish at it, and I want to write things that change the way people understand social realities. And not just 10 people with advanced degrees – a politically significant number of people capable of changing social realities as a result. I also struggle to raise the patience/time necessary to write a scientifically sound article on, say, “the enabling factors of neighborhood leadership in earning community legitimacy.” People listen to folks who live in their community, for chrissakes. I don’t need to do three months of data collection to tell you that.

(4) The sub-human ideas that people outside of a given underclass have about said class are really disgusting. These ideas are propagated through terrible representations in media and affect both how an underclass understands itself, and how others think underclasses deserve to be treated. This reality smacks you in the face in Brazil – I spend an afternoon in a favela and then come home to read all google news-hits where the word “favela” was used. It’s two different worlds. What if media was a humanizing force instead of de-humanizing? What if people were telling their own stories, and others were actually listening?


(5) I got a little miffed with my boyfriend when he wouldn’t apply for the new position as Homelessness Advocate for the city of Columbus. I wanted him to propose starting a newspaper written and sold by homeless citizens as the goal of his position (Cincinnati does this: see StreetVibes). Then I thought – why the hell am I not doing this? Well, because I had a ticket to São Paulo of course, but that was probably the only thing holding me back. And you know what, similar empowerment initiatives through visual and print media are being done in Brazil - see for example Viva Favela, Observatório das Favelas, Alfabetização Visual where my girl Gabriela O’Leary works, and the many examples of small community radio in peripheral neighborhoods all over the city.

If I run with this idea, it doesn’t mean I can’t go to grad school. It does mean I won’t be a prolific academic, probably not even a professor, and I will end up work primarily in English speaking countries because I don’t think my language abilities will ever be strong enough to teach writing in anything but English.

What else important might I be giving up taking a path like this? Are there other plusses? Think about it for a bit and give me your comments.

Brasilândia

Time for another research update: I am growing tired of meeting new people and reading semi-random things. My thoughts on issues related to my topic- how democracy works in favelas and could work better- are starting to atrophy and I feel the overwhelming urge to just DO something. What I really lack is a sustained role that forges some sort of unity between thinking and action – a space for praxis.

This is now my top priority. Luckily a project I was half-heartedly helping out with looks like it has the potential to, at least in part, become this space.

For the last 3 weeks a group of University of São Paulo students in architecture and international relations has been in the process of creating children’s programming in favela Brasilândia- actually an agglomeration of several favelas to the north of the city. I was tagging along, not out of any great affinity for kids, but as a way to observe community meetings and get a feel for the area. Plus free coloring…



But after a planning meeting, the group has decided to re-think its involvement in the community. In a handful of weeks, Brasilândia will become another urbanization and regularization site in the city. The details are still being worked out, but the standards are surely in order: evicting people from areas of risk, possibly building public housing blocks to replace their demolished homes, paving a few roads, building sewage canals, and arranging land titles for the residents who are able to stay put.

Meaning it is a critical time for the neighborhood. It is about to undergo serious changes and needs to be organized and attentive to insist that, to every extent possible, residents be given control over the results.

Happily, the students decided this week on two important changes in approach to make their work more relevant to the community’s current position. First, they are going to start a series of dialogues with adults, including members of the community commission. Second, the themes for investigation will be generated by participants, rather than the university students. The overarching goal is to follow Paulo Freire’s model of a Liberating Pedagogy, creating an environment where participants achieve an ever more critical and expanded understanding of their reality, and begin to develop responses to the forces that confront and oppress them.

So at the moment we are recruiting more USP students, specifically ones with education backgrounds, to help us develop the project. I hope to get us some training with a unit at USP that has experience running literacy courses on the Freire model so we can learn “classroom” strategies. It is too early to tell if this will become my “praxis role” down here. I am still following up on a few leads in the search for groups that are doing good politicizing work in favelas. But it is something worth being optimistic about at least!

Anarchy in the SP

Every day I become a little more of a democratic anarchist.

Maybe it’s because I never hung out with people on Welfare in the U.S., but coming from a lefty big government crowd, I assumed that welfare was a great thing. Tax the rich and provide for the poor, it’s the best way to keep the ravages of capitalism in check.

But I do hang out with people in Brazilian slums, the recent recipients of billions of dollars worth of upgrading projects. Not welfare exactly, but still a big government scheme to, ostensibly, improve people’s lives. If only it were that simple. Here is what appears to happen in practice: the money goes to government employees and private companies who draw up plans for big construction projects. Hundreds of families get evicted to make way, and when lucky, they are sardine-ed into overpriced soviet-style public housing that, unlike their old homes, is not built to flexibly fit the needs of residents. Participation in the decision-making by residents is attempted but usually fails, so that government and private companies have the ultimate control over intimate aspects of poor peoples lives. It’s degrading and dehumanizing, and in a matter that is close to my heart, it is not democratic.

This happens all over the world. Poor people either get screwed without a thought, or they have to submit to dehumanizing and undemocratic philanthropy on the part of rich people, NGOs, and governments to meet basic needs. I get to buy filtered water if I don’t want to drink possibly contaminated water from the tap. A slum dweller has to submit to an interview from government officials in her home, two years of waiting, and finally a water-main installation project that displaces her neighbors before she can legally drink cleanish water out of her tap. Think about how that difference feels psychologically. It sucks.

Democracy means, or should mean, the idea that people should have control over the decisions and processes that affect their lives. And in a globalizing world this becomes more and more out of reach for all people, but especially the urban poor in “developing” countries. The answers we are generating to solve this are big-hearted international institutions (think the UN, multinational NGOs) to ameliorate the actions of big bad international actors (corporations and certain governments *cough* the U.S.). Side note: I don’t know how to classify the World Bank here- they seem to be in the middle of an identity-crisis between the two poles.

Perhaps the good and bad are not the problem, but size. Being BIG means something is too far from the people who matter to ever get it right, regardless of intentions. Small and anarchic is what we need, putting aside for a moment that I only have vague ideas what that might look like and not the faintest clue how it might be achieved.

Apartment Found

Moving into my apartment today! Was squatting on the floor of a fellow American researcher in hip Pinheiros, but I now live in an older building near the city center. My roommate is a 30 year old teacher who spent some time in Canada a few years back so she speaks English (though I will try really hard not to use it).

I am excited primarily because the place is so cheap. There are a few good reasons for this - it’s on the edge of a sketchy neighborhood, and there is no furniture - but it has the basics: close to the Metro and bus stations, has a kitchen and laundry, and hopefully internet too in the coming days. With the money I am saving I can invest in some furniture and perhaps a few excursions around Brazil.

The other reason why cheap rent was paramount – I ultimately plan to move further south or west of the city when the location of my fieldwork is solidified. Most people will not rent for the short term like this, so I have been promising 3 months rent regardless of whether I stay that long or not. And I can afford blowing an extra month of rent on a cheap place, which wouldn’t be the case otherwise.

Buenos Aires

(PHOTO CREDIT: Ralph Blessing, 2008)

Went to Buenos Aires, Argentina last week for a Fulbright regional conference. Unlike a good portion of American researchers in this neck of the globe, I do not have a background in Latin American studies, so it was a great chance to learn about all the countries of the Southern Cone vicariously through the projects of other grantees.

There are about 42 research grantees in the region this year (in Uruguay, Paraguay, Chile, Brazil, and Argentina) with 25 different disciplines represented. Most of the week consisted of presenting our projects and sharing our experiences. This spurred some fruitful and enlightening conversations, cross-pollination in academic jargon, and one or two instances of “wait…what the hell is that guy’s project about? Something about ecosystem fragmentation, whatever that means…”

As a tourist, being in Buenos Aires felt a bit like catching royalty in the act of an embarrassing gaff. You see the mud on the dress from the fall out of the carriage, they know you see it, and despise you just a bit for it. Which is to say that urban Argentines, once residents of the uber-expensive “Paris of the South,” now have to stomach tourists from the likes of Uruguay and Brazil to support their economy after the financial crash of 2002. It is now one of the cheapest cities in the Southern Cone. Imagine, a top-notch steak dinner in a decadent Parisian-style building for the same price as a pizza in a modest Brazilian diner. It is a bit of an ego kill for the Europe of Latin America to find itself in this position. But I am not complaining, I got some great meals and a nice pair of jeans out of the trip.

More images from Argentina... a path at the estancia (ranch) where we rode horses.

(PHOTO CREDITS: Anne Sweet, 2008)

The last highlight is Tierra Santa: Parque Temático (literally “Holy Land Theme Park”). That’s right, an entire theme park dedicated to the life of Jesus Christ. Only Latin American Catholicism is theatrical enough to come up with this one (although the folks of Kentucky’s Creation Museum are giving them a run for their money). I laughed, I cried, I watched a 40 ft. tall mechanical Jesus rise from a fiberglass hillside to the tune of Handel’s Messiah- a process which repeats every ten-‘til-the-hour.

I could go on for days about this place - the reproduction of the creation with smoke and green rave lights, park staff dressed in a mix of “Middle Eastern” and Franciscan monk outfits (among other charming anachronisms), a random homage to Mahatma Gandhi, and belly dancing performances in a temple. Perhaps this last one was to portray the depravity right before Jesus would have thrown her kind out in a temple-cleansing rage? If you plan on going to Argentina, don’t miss this.

Fun with abstracts

So the date to submit paper proposals for LASA 2009 was yesterday (Latin American Studies Association Conference – this one in Rio de Janeiro, currently Dengue Fever capital). As I am still floundering about the city with the shreds of a research question stuck to the soles of my sneakers, I of course have no idea what my paper for this might actually entail.

But as I am totally pumped at the prospect of going to Rio (and who wouldn’t be?) - I did what I normally do when under the gun to write up a proposal: screw any sense of what a person in my position is capable of researching and make outlandish and unfounded claims about what I intend to prove. When caught with your pants down, you might as well put on a show, no?

Here is the write-up. Notice the complete lack of any methodology, scientific objectivity, or claim to evidence. But in my defense, LASA only allows a 50-70 word paper description so there is really no space for all of that. (For anyone familiar with it, you can also notice the heavy influence of Charles Tilly’s essay War Making and State Making as Organized Crime. You can thank Bo for that lead.)

Title of Proposed Paper: Of Democracy and Discipline: The Logic of Government Engagement in the Slums of São Paulo

Description of Paper: In this paper I attempt to explain the seemingly contradictory involvement of the Brazilian state in urban squatter communities (favelas) in the present day. On the one hand, the Brazilian state has dropped dictatorship-era expulsion strategies and is now spending millions of dollars on research and upgrading programs to improve favela quality of life. On the other hand, the state continues to tacitly support the use of indiscriminate and excessive police violence in these same communities, with police killings rising sharply in the post-authoritarian period. I argue that this seemingly contradictory approach is actually a rational carrot and stick strategy to subdue favelas and bring them under state control. The ultimate aim of this strategy is to protect elite citizen's material interests from the underclass, hence the sticks, but it is tempered by the constraints that democratic electoral politics place on elite action. These constraints have caused the mutation of broad state violence into individual instances of police brutality and the new reliance on carrots to purchase favela acquiescence to state sovereignty.

And if all this wasn’t enough, I turned the beast in a day late because of continued internet access problems. Thankfully it’s not the German Studies Association conference, so I hope I’ll be OK.

(Researchers) have only interpreted the world…

“Those who authentically commit themselves to the people must re-examine themselves constantly…. The man or woman who proclaims devotion to the cause of human liberation yet is unable to enter into communion with the people… is grievously self-deceived. The convert who approaches the people but… attempts to impose his ‘status’ remains nostalgic towards his origins [as a member of an oppressive class].”
-Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed

My bumbling quest for THE research question is complicated by an identity crisis – what am I?

My official title is researcher, but this new hat sits awkwardly on my head. How do I reconcile this with my personal ethics and a longer history as “one devoted to the cause of human liberation”? Read the quote above and tell me how I am supposed to live up to this standard while at the same time produce academic work. Can it be done? Who has done it before? How would I do it in São Paulo?

I am only starting to get a taste for what being a researcher means, and the implications this could have on my work, my relations with people as I develop it, and what I will be in a position to produce. I can’t yet tell if they are implications I should welcome.

There are definite benefits to the researcher hat, don’t get me wrong. When I wave the Fulbright flag I get the time, attention, and help of powerful and well educated people who wouldn’t give me the time of day if I were, say, a random social justice activist (and foreign at that). Yet at the same time this relationship tends to force my thinking and communication into distinct boxes: they want to know my research question, methodology, and plans to proceed up front. I tend to get blank stares or a few confused questions when I start off any other way- traction only comes when I start speaking the academic language.

What I really want is a heart-to-heart with a Brazilian social justice academic who can share their experiences and insight, but one can’t expect to waltz into a random office and have this type of interaction within the first 15 minutes. It might take months to find this person and have this conversation.

Add this to the troubles I will soon have engaging favela residents, let alone academics, and my head is ready to explode.

The kicker? This is an identity I will be negotiating for the next 8 months, and perhaps the rest of my life if I continue academic pursuits. (Readers… your input would be appreciated, please consider a comment or e-mail!)

ATM Error Messages - a selection

“The operation cannot be realized on this machine”

“The card you inserted is not the same as the one used before”

“Reading error”

“Machine temporarily unable to process your request. Please try again later.”

“Operation cancelled”

“Please insert your card again” – repeated indefinitely

My personal favorite was going to the Bank of Brasil on Avendia Paulista (São Paulo’s version of 5th Avenue, where there is a bank every 5 feet) and not being able to make a payment with my MasterCard. I was sent through two different lines and assisted by 3 staff before they finally decided the bank was not capable of processing my card. Then I went down the street to the grocery store and bought a jug of water with the same card, no problem. Oh Brazil!

Brazilian Social Thought

Thanks to a meeting with one of the researchers at my affiliate I now have a 10-book tall stack of readings to peruse. And she got me excited about something I hadn’t yet considered – the importance of getting a taste for Brazilian social thought/criticism while here.

“It’s a little strange to us,” she said, “when foreign researchers come here to study housing, or social services, or poverty, but then their articles have bibliographies almost entirely in English.” That, or they only pull Portuguese language sources for their descriptions/data, but never touch the larger social theory that hasn’t been translated.

So a new goal is to buck this trend and make getting a taste for Brazilian social criticism a significant part of my time here. Aside from your stock Paulo Freire (whose Pedagogy of the Oppressed I am currently reading), the names on the top of the list are: Francisco de Oliveira, Gilberto Freyre, and Sérgio Buarque de Holanda. Heard of these? Me neither. But ask me again in 8 months!

Welcome to the World Bank

Little did I know that my first week in São Paulo happened to coincide with this.

It’s the “International Dialogue on Public Policy: The challenge of slum urbanization: Sharing São Paulo’s experience.” Funds for the conference came from the World Bank and member countries of the Cities Alliance (whose motto is “Cities without Slums,” a deliciously indeterminate phrase that brings to mind all sorts of lovely slum-clearing schemes). Why they chose the Hotel Intercontinental in Jardim Paulista is beyond me. Did the planners not notice the irony of holding a conference on slum upgrading at one of the chicest hotels in the city?

I showed up for the final plenary session around 9am on the coat tails of the aforementioned Columbia architecture group. We were given coffee and issued translation headsets before heading in to hear the closing thoughts of the invited participantes: public officials from Cairo (Egypt), Lagos (Nigeria), Ekurhuleni (South Africa), Mumbi (India), and Taguig (Phillipines). It was essentially a giant love fest, with plenty of gushing over the wonderful director of the São Paulo housing department and her staff. To be fair, it was a closing plenary, and that is how those things are supposed to go. But having just left Paraisópolis the day before I couldn’t help but feel uncomfortable at the self-congratulatory tone. That, and the champagne.

Rather than narrate, I will bullet point the excesses of the meeting:

• The plenary was followed by a champagne reception, then an amazing catered lunch and dessert buffet. (Never one to pass on free food, I admit I took advantage of the latter two.)
  
• An award ceremony and giant flower arrangement for the São Paulo housing director moments after she dodged a pointed question about insufficient compensation for evicted families with the response: “ummm… someone will meet with you later and you can ask them.”
  
• Printing maybe 200 glossy art-books summarizing the slum upgrading projects in the city that would easily run $35-40 retail, and giving them away to participants for free. Yes, I got one, and it could have been food for a month for someone who needed it.
  
• Having a World Bank rep confide to one of the Columbia professors that the reason impressive examples of slum upgrading in Caracas were not discussed during the week is because Venezuela just pulled out of the World Bank.

Paraisópolis

Never doubt the power of making random blog posts. That and a serendipitous crossing of calendars brought me across a table from Robert Neuwirth today – author of Shadow Cities and a one-time resident of favela Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro. Something about the journalism profession, perhaps the imperative to get people talking to you quickly and comfortably, makes for friendly and down to earth folk. (Also check his blog squattercity for updates on slum issues worldwide.)

Through him I have attached myself to a group from the Columbia University School of Architecture here to inject new ideas into the upgrading project going on in favela Paraisópolis (São Paulo’s second largest, with approx. 60,000 residents). Lucky for me they are getting the executive treatment and are happy to take me along for the ride – briefings by top housing officials in the city that I would have needed a month or more to score. Makes me think that getting a PhD and a tenured position somewhere is worth it only to have people take you seriously when you want information.

Also through them I got the chance to explore Paraisópolis, which you can see for yourself in the picture at the top of this post.

Paraisópolis is particularly notable for its proximity to the uber-rich bairro of Morumbi (see that building with the balcony pools?). This extreme closeness of favela to rich neighborhood is harder to find in São Paulo than in Rio, as most favelas and irregular settlements are in the periphery. Proximity also makes for some serious political tensions. One reason why São Paulo’s rich are so happy about slum upgrading is that the building plans effectively wall off Paraisópolis from its surroundings, hiding it behind new public housing high-rises and a four-lane road.

Paraisópolis also has a highly unusual grid formation due to the history of its founding. I have heard two versions of this, which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. First is the story of how the community began as a planned shantytown to house temporary workers from the interior, brought to the city to build the soccer stadium. When the workers never left, Parisópolis was born. That, and/or a zoning law made the already parceled and sold land virtually unbuildable, causing the original owners to abandon the property and leave pre-formed blocks ripe for squatting.

The presence of multiple ordered roads, even though narrow and choked with knots of traffic, has fed some quite vibrant business growth. There are small churches, grocery stores, bars, building supply and gas stores, clothing shops, and hairstylists. The proximity to service jobs in rich neighborhoods has boosted incomes and houses are impressive for a slum, made largely of brick, mortar, poured concrete and re-bar. Most have two or three floors. I learned from a resident that a nice place here with all basic amenities, and in rare cases even pirated internet access, rents for between $300-350 reais a month (200-220 dollars). “Very expensive,” she told me, and I am inclined to agree. When I left Columbus, OH I was paying just 100 dollars more for my half of a spacious apartment. Especially to anyone living in smaller or newer favelas, it’s a noticeably higher income bracket that populates the nicest parts of Paraisópolis.

Along with its poorer neighbors Jardim Colombo and Porto Seguro, the city has chosen Paraisópolis to be the site of a flagship urbanization and regularization program. Approximately $1 billion reais (670 million dollars) will be channeled into upgraded road and sewage systems, as home demolition makes way for green spaces and public housing. There are all sorts of interesting tensions around this that might be worth unpacking. Look out for a future post…

Office Space?

There are benefits to having an affiliate that doesn’t actually want to be affiliated with you. I am not expected to keep regular office hours, nor work on anyone else’s project. On the busy days I am running all over the city following leads as I wish, unlike the two other Fulbrighters I am currently living with, who keep a strict 9-5 at their university offices. Ahh, such is the life of real scientists! At these times I relish the fact I am not cooped up in a lab.


But on the slow days when I have nowhere to go but my apartment I feel a bit like a lost pup. It would be nice to have an “office day” I think, instead of shelling out between $5-15 dollars for an afternoon in the internet café, making calls between the gun-blasts of the nearest pre-teen’s online game.